Emir H H Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani with the President of Federal Republic of Somalia, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo.
The meeting was held on the sidelines of the extraordinary summit of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) held at the conference centre in Istanbul.
The meeting reviewed the bilateral relations and the means to boost and develop them.
In addition, the meeting discussed a number of topics of common interest.
The President expressed his gratitude to H H the Emir for Qatar’s support to the Republic of Somalia and its government in order to establish a safe and stable state and its efforts to achieve sustainable development through supporting several developmental projects.
The meeting was attended by Their Excellencies the delegation accompanying H H the Emir. From the Somali side, and the meeting was attended by a number of Their Excellencies the Ministers.
HARGEISA-— President, Col. Musa Bihi Abdi has finally named 32 persons to form his cabinet.
The Cabinet list was released from the office of the presidency. The majority of cabinet ministers are new although certian ministers have been reinstated as they served in ex-president, Silanyo’s cabinet.
Find below the full list of Cabinet ministers
Minister of Trade and Industry – Mohamoud Hasan Sa’ad
Minister of Finance – Yusuf Mohamed Erigay3.
Minister of Defence –Isse Ahmed Yusuf Adale
4. Minister of Interior – Mohamed Kahin Ahmed
5. Minister of Endowment and Religious affairs – Sheikh Khalil Abdilahi Ahmed
6. Minister of Foreign Affairs – Dr. Sa’ad Ali Shire. Mr. Sa’ad aslo was the FM of Silanyo’s cabinet who made a comeback.
7. Minister of Agricultural Development – Ahmed Muumin Seed
8. Minister of Education – Yaasin Faratoon. He was the minister of interior of Silanyo’s last cabinet
9. Minister of Health – Dr. Hasan Ismail Yusuf Warsame
10. Ministry of Family affairs – Ms. Hinda Jama Hirsi
11. Ministry of environment and Rural development– Ms. Shukri Bodare, She has also made a comeback as she served as holding this ministerial post in Silanyo’s cabinet
12. Ministry of investment and development– Mohamed Ahmed Mohamoud Awad
13. Ministry of Water Resources – Suleiman Yusuf Ali Koore
14. Ministry of Sports & Youth— Yusuf Mohamoud Nour
15. Ministry of Justice—— Abdikani
16. Ministry of Livestock –Hasan Mohamed Gafadhi
17. Ministry of Employment and Labour Relations – Ignatius Bafuor Awuah
18. Ministry of Public Works – Abdirashid Haji Du’ale
19. Ministry of information and national guidance– Abdirahman Abdilahi Farah Diriye
20 Ministry of Telecommunication and Technology– Dr. Abdiwali Sheikh Abdilahi
21. Ministry of Energy and Mineral— Jama Mohamoud Egal
22. Ministry of Constitutional Affairs– Mohame Haji Elmi
23. Ministry of Transport and Development– Abdilahi Abokor Osman
24. Ministry of National Planning and Development—-Awale Ibrahim Shirwa Lodoon
Assistant Ministers
Deputy Minister of Information and National Guidance– Mohamed Muse Abees, former state minister for presidency during Silanyo’s cabinet.
Deputy minister of Livestock Ministry–Ms. Yurub Abiib Abdi
Deputy Finance development ministry– Mr. Mohamed Dahir
As the title depicts, the central theme of the article is – Ethiopia defeated Somalia in the 1977 war then destabilized it. Following the defeat of the Somali army, the Derg regime replaced Ethiopia’s old policy of “containment“ with destructive strategies aiming for the total demise of the Somali Republic. The purpose of destabilizing Somalia was to quell its “ irredentist agenda“.
External and internal factors did play role in the process of destabilizing Somalia. The Cold War was a complicating factor as actors such as USSR, USA, UK, Italy and Egypt further exacerbated the dispute in the Horn. USSR, Cuba and South Yemen (allies of Ethiopia then) were instrumental in the defeat of the Somali army, which was the turning point of Somalia’s downfall. Among the internal factors include the economic, political and psychological setbacks Somalia inherited from the war.
Barre’s “extrajudicial executions“ subjected to particular clans was a major setback that waned his government’s popularity. But the most devastating element that Ethiopia largely exploited and brought about Barre’s fall was the anti-government armed factions (SSDF, SNM, USC, and SPM) sponsored by Ethiopia. Albeit the author focused on the period between 1977 and 1991, he made note of the fact that the root of the conspiracy against Somalia dates back to the imperial reign of Haile Selassie. Examples of the old mutinies that Ethiopia either orchestrated or played a role include the incident of 1961, where a group of Somali officers from the north created mayhem (apprehended towns) in an effort to dismantle the Republic and bring about succession. Again in 1966, Ethiopia influenced a disgruntled group in the north who created anti-union movement named North Somali Liberation Front, and another dissent movement in the south called South Somali Refugee Association. Election related violence in the 60’s is also linked to covert plots that were coming from Addis Ababa.
Emphasising his country’s motives, Dr. Yihun stated “ the overall intention of Ethiopia was neither to replace Barre with friendly elements nor to ascertain its suzerainty over Somalia, but merely to destabilize and incapacitate the Republic. In this regard the opposition groups, even if fully supported, were supposed to not rise to power and remain pro-Ethiopian“. The author concluded that the destabilization of Somalia was neither a successful plan for the Derg nor for Ethiopia in general, because four months after the fall of Barre’s regime and Somalia plunged into a dreadful civil war, the Derg was forced out of power, and the ensued regime is paying a heavy price for the destabilization in Somalia.
Why Ethiopia Destabilized Somalia?
Although Dr. Yihun has exposed compelling facts regarding the destabilization in Somalia, his argument that Ethiopia destabilized Somalia merely to incapacitate the Republic is contrary to the reality on the ground. Somalia has become a tributary vassal state of Ethiopia on the verge of ceasing to be. Ethiopia’s geopolitical agenda in the Horn is far more complex than how Yihun has mapped it out – limiting his country’s motives on the confines of deterring irredentism. Such an argument could have been tenable when the two states were at war, but not after Ethiopia with the blessing of western global order had destroyed Somalia and polarized it into contentious tribal enclaves who are obsequiously submissive to the dictates of Addis Ababa.
It is well documented that Ethiopia had age old plan to alter its landlocked map to one that contains a significant portion of the vast Somali coastline, if not all of it. And since the imperial era, western countries have been supportive of Ethiopia’s colonial aspirations in the Horn. It was apparent such ambitions were not feasible in the presence of a strong Somali state capable of protecting its territorial sovereignty. The destabilization came as a stepping-stone to achieving those aspirations – further appropriation of Somali territories by its neighbours. Kenya partook in disabling Somalia and has been a strong ally of Ethiopia since the two established the joint military strategy known as Kenya-Ethiopia Defence Pact signed in 1964 and has been renewed over the years. Initially, the cornerstone of that treaty was to jointly countervail any action toward the liberation of the annexed Somali territories (Northern Frontier District or Western Somalia aka Ogaden region).
After the fall of the Somali state, they jointly embarked upon a systemic remapping of Somalia in an effort to exploit its resources. They invaded Somalia and each is securing its spoils of the victory. Kenya has extended its control over offshore as well as inland territories (Jubbaland), where Ethiopia sat no known limits, a phenomenon that has literally dissolved Somalia’s known borders. Kenya has fully taken over Kismayo port, while Ethiopia is managing a gradual takeover as in the case of Berbera port. Almost in every tribal enclave there is an Ethiopian “consulate general” as though its official embassy in Mogadishu is not enough. What is the logical explanation to these consulates other than Somalia being a vassal state of Ethiopia?
Somalis require strict visas to enter Ethiopia including their seized territories while Ethiopians need no visas and their swelling communities in major cities like Hargeisa, Bosaso and Mogadishu are quite alarming. Somali leaders have no audacity to address violations on Somali borders and the huge influx of Ethiopians which is a stark threat to the present and future security of the country. In addition to that, Ethiopia has been micromanaging Somalia politics in an unprecedented manner to the extent that the intimidation has been felt by clan elders and the ordinary people.
Why Somalia Collapsed so Quickly?
No doubt, the war had severe impact on Somalia, but the state collapse came as a result of longstanding social ills. “A society which is endowed with lofty values, makes progress, but a society in which values deteriorate, degenerates”. Before the war, the Somali society was morally weak due to germs inherited from colonialism and decades of poor leadership. One of Frantz Fanon’s quotes was “Imperialism leaves behind germs of rot which we must clinically detect and remove from our land but from our minds as well”.
Somalis have never been able to seriously detect those germs let alone to remove it from their land. In 1960, people celebrated for a pseudo freedom they have never enjoyed in its real sense. After independence, they continued to be victims of manipulation until the country crumpled and became “the most failed state in the world”. The root of the moral disease that destroyed Somalia dates back to the colonial era and the seeds imperialists planted before and during the 10-year period of the Italian Trusteeship Administration. The biggest oversight was failing to scrutinize the alien canons left behind by the colonizers that were incompatible with the intrinsic values of the society. Instead, the first vital institutions (education, legal, political, financial, cultural, etc.) were built on those faulty principles. The so called elite who run the major part of those institutions were individuals shaped and sponsored by the colonial system, Fanon described them “black skin white mask” – they look like the indigenous people but their thinking and moral values resemble that of the white colonizers.
The consequence was fatal as the Republic and the feckless ideologies (nationalism, secularism, unfettered western liberal democracy) that groomed it could not sustain, but gave way to a brutal communist dictatorship in less than a decade. The ruthless military rule led to further moral decline by waging explicit vicious attack on Islam via killing, torture, incarceration and indoctrination to the point where the society lost touch with its identity as a nation and cracked into disgruntled tribes. A huge brain drain took off as people started to escape from government persecutions. A new social structure emerged best described by the saying “every nation is a people though not every people is a nation”. In this regard, the society could not differentiate the difference between a brutal regime and a dangerous enemy in pursuit of its destruction. The regime became the enemy and the tribe became the refuge.
This immoral sense led the very Somali officers who gave Ethiopia a disgraceful defeat in the initial phase of the 77 war to spearhead the armed factions that Ethiopia sponsored for the destabilization in Somalia. Consequently, poorly armed ragtag clan militias chased Barre and his sophisticated army out of the country. Paradoxically, Barre’s generals who were supposed to defend the country were the first who had absconded. When morality dies and courage dwindles, big numbers and arsenal would not count much.
Would Somalia Recover or Dismantle Further?
Somalia has been badly destabilized and continues to move in that direction. Reversing the current abysmal trend seems unforeseeable in the near future because of three major problems: the forces responsible for the demise of the country are very present, the current political system is unlikely to bring viable change as it is doomed to failure on massive scale, and the society lacks the capacity to engage the deep change it needs.
Rumours are speculating that Washington and its allies are finally on the move to crash the religious insurgents in order to invest in a kleptocratic government in a bid to exploit the oil in Somalia. Even if that is the case, defeating the current insurgents does not mean that will be the end of them, and kleptocracy (rule by thugs) would only nurture tyranny.
The other plausible scenarios include Somalia may remain in this vassal state until its population turns out minority against Ethiopia’s 100 million, a phenomenon that would reshape Ethiopia as the largest country with the longest coast in the continent. A third possibility is that the disoriented masses may fully rally behind the religious insurgents causing massive unrest potential to spill over to the adjacent borders. This is where Ethiopia particularly is likely to pay a real heavy price by decomposing into serious religious and ethnic lines.
Conclusion
The ideology-driven conflict in Somalia is not going to die for good even if the current group is overpowered. Despite the presence of existential threat coupled by deep fragmentation, there is some sort of resilience stemming from whatever is left of the Islamic spirit. The serenity brought by the Islamic Courts Union in the midst of the chaos in 2006 is stark evidence that Islam is the only ideology that can unite Somalis and bring peace and stability in the short and long term. It is time Somalis should seriously look the Sharia law as an alternative for their survival.
We are not talking here about a superficial Sharia law substituted with canons inspired by western secular codes except limited familial issues like marriage, divorce and inheritance. What Somalia needs is a comprehensive Sharia law that will foster peace, human governance and prosperity.
The self-declared republic of Somaliland has sworn in its fifth president, Muse Bihi Abdi.
There was excitement and optimism on social media as citizens relished the peaceful transition of power and wished their new president a fruitful five year term.
Abdi, a retired pilot was declared winner of the tightly contested November 13 polls, having polled 55.% of the votes cast.
I am ready and working on solving all the election-related disputes and to cool down all the brothers who have grievances
While the election historically employed iris technology to avert electoral fraud, the opposition still cried foul alleging fraud.
At today’s inauguration, the president wasted no time in addressing his dissatisfied opponents.
“I am ready and working on solving all the election-related disputes and to cool down all the brothers who have grievances,” he said during the inauguration ceremony, which was broadcast live by privately-owned Horn Cable TV.
“If you have grievances I urge you to come to the table.”
In addition to reaching out to the electorate that didn’t vote for him, President Abdi will have to deal with high unemployment rates especially among the youth and also continue the struggle to get international recognition for Somaliland.
Somaliland declared unilateral independence from Somalia on May 18, 1991. It has been under pressure to hold talks with Somalia which have so far been futile.
Described as the most peaceful state in the Horn of Africa region, Somaliland can boast of an army, its own currency and legal system. The territory has been experiencing stability and economic prosperity. It has been influential in the fight against piracy and terrorism in the Horn of Africa.
26 years of diplomatic isolation has made it difficult for Somaliland to have access to loans from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. It is regarded as the autonomous region of Somalia and not a sovereign state.
Somaliland has held successful presidential elections in 2003 and 2010 including a parliamentary election in 2005. The 2017 election is touted to be the first incident-free polls to be held in the Horn of Africa in many years.
The president of the Republic of Somaliland H.E. Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo, cabinet ministers, House of Representatives, House of Elders, National Electoral Commission, Security Forces, fellow Somalilanders and the distinguished guests from Ethiopia, Djibouti, UK Ambassador, EU Ambassador, Swedish Ambassador, the Ambassador of Netherlands, UN officials and the international community: thank you.
I stand this glitzy ceremony today, taking the oath, keeping the huge task before us in mind, mindful for the sacrifices of those who died as martyrs for this country, kind to those who lost their property for the sake of their country, lenient for those with disabilities.
Somaliland has reached tangible achievements for the last 26 years – the country has recovered from the ravaging wars which lastly made Somaliland independent and sovereign state. We have also tackled the internal bone-of-the contentions.
Amid volatility in our neighbors, Somaliland has created a well-rehabilitated country, with a haven stability, vigilance and tranquility.
Furthermore, Somaliland has carried out four peaceful and orderly transfers of power while this is the 5th. This is verily a benchmark which vividly indicates that Somaliland has ticked the boxes of statehood. This is an exemplary move which implies how we uphold the rule of law, and the primary objective which is strengthening the democratic system of the state.
You – the citizens of Somaliland have brought those victories and triumphs without any external help or aid.
We have managed to build the state, set up a functioning government with a ripened democracy.
The Difficulties We Are Facing:
My fellow Somalilanders, although we have made significant developments in the last seven years, we still face many problems including various important unfinished accomplishments.
My first priority as president would be to tackle our most pressing issues. Today our nation is facing;
Crippling youth unemployment.
Recurring droughts.
Lack of recognition from the international community.
My government will work on solving these aforementioned problems from today. Undertaking such colossal is no easy matter. I pledge to:
Develop the nation’s local produce and industries such as livestock, fisheries and agriculture.
Create a new job creation program for the youth.
Our country has many educated and bright young people. However, the fact is most of them are unemployed.
My government would encourage foreign and local investment to create jobs and opportunities for our great people.
My government would modernize public institutions making sure they are fit for purpose.
My government would enact a new six month national service program to nurture nation building for young people.
My administration would encourage trade and innovation and would be a reliable friend to investors.
My government would not tolerate corruption and we shall have a zero tolerance policy on corruption.
Rule of law is paramount. My government will uphold the rule of law by supporting and developing Somaliland’s justice system.
Developing economy
Somaliland creates a free zone market for business people. The state encourages international investement. Today I promise for the full security of the property of the business people.
Fighting corruption
Corruption is a national disaster which needs to be wiped out.
Everyone who commits corruption or paves the way to committing it is criminal who undergoes legal measure.
Judicial strengthening
Getting quality judiciary system facilitates upholding the rule of law
Good judiciary system intensifies accountability.
Principles of the New Administration:
My fellow Somalilanders, I hereby declare that my government would be your government. It will be a government which works for the people. It will be a government that reflects all Somalilanders. Government officials in my administration would be simply public servants. My government would make sure that all government workers work at least 8 hours a day.
To The International Community
My fellow partners, by all accounts, the Republic of Somaliland has completed all the requirements and the universal suffrage required for a state to be recognized. We held free and fair elections. We have also adopted a multi-party system. The Republic of Somaliland is of a paramount importance in the security of the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea.
Although the country has done all those tasks, the International Community has not yet granted an international recognition for Somaliland.
I hereby declare that Somaliland qualifies an international recognition. The International Community should realize the facts and figures presented by Somaliland which has been in quest for international recognition.
Demands
My fellow citizens of Somaliland, all those things cannot be done without your help. Together we will eradicate poverty and backwardness. Let’s put Somaliland interest first. United we stand, divided we fall. Thank you.
It is dawn prayer time and heavy dark night is leaving to shiny day and November unleashes its harsh winter cold. It’s not a time Ayan, 22, prefers to go outside but today she has bigger task; to choose her next president- would be. She passes through dark alleys and has to negotiate stones and unclean roads she wouldn’t pass through otherwise. Finally, she approaches the polling station she was going to vote, but to her astonishment, finds that along queue has already been established. She sighed with exhaustive smile and stood her position in the queue.
Ayan’s story is metaphor to Somaliland itself; young, defiant, Somaliland is a country which survived pitfalls but has long way to go. Today Somaliland chose its fifth president since early 1990’s. Though wasn’t without problems always, Somaliland has shown a commitment to democracy and a rule of law. Somaliland repeatedly succeeds in fostering peace and stability in a region known for its violent turbulence. Having laid down system of governance that stretches in all almost all corners of the country, Somaliland has made a significant stride towards electoral democracy and secured all requirements of statehood.
That being said that, as a new president-elect is making his way to office, Somaliland is at tipping point. More than twenty years and still no official international recognition, Somaliland is deprived of the luxury of having international investment and engaging with international bodies such as the U.N and regional ones such as the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities ( RECs). Positioned in the turbulent region of Horn of Africa, it’s important more than ever to engage Somaliland in the efforts of fighting terrorism, piracy and recurring droughts. Helping Somaliland to confront such challenges is needed as this unrecognized nation of four million can’t afford to handle such problems alone.
Making sure the democratic journey of Somaliland to be continued and sustained is one of the issues waiting for Kulmiye Administration for the next five years. That constitutes overseeing and holding parliamentary elections which last time took place 12-years ago and this parliament is marked by their incompetence and inefficiency. House of Elders’ fate is also highly on the issues expected from the next administration. Praised for their role Somaliland peace building process and subsequently the consolidation of the Somaliland’s statehood, now it’s time to replace them even though they obstructed the law stipulating their election process in 2007. Now, over 80% of its initial members are gone, instead it became heredity form in which the deceased member’s sons or other relative may assume the position. International Security Studies’ description was rather telling in pointing to ‘’institutional decay” in Somaliland state meaning the Elders and Parliament performance.
The importance of the institutions in fostering genuine democracy cannot be understated. A country like Somaliland, where personalities prevail over institutions, it’s imperative that the next government pays more attention in enhancing state institutions and restore the legitimacy they gravely need from the spectating public. This is antidote to widespread influence of non-state actors that may not necessarily be force for good. Consider these facts; A majority of African citizens trust religious leaders, the army and their traditional leaders more than their elected representatives. These bitter facts highlight the importance of legitimacy in governance and that’s far-fetched unless resilient and competent institutions are encouraged.
The president-elect has vowed to tackle corruption and government malpractice. This is important because during Kulmiye’s seven years in office, Somaliland has exposed to widespread corruption and clientelism that shook public trust towards government itself. What are the ways he will pursue to achieve this is unclear but time will show whether this promises are genuinely true or it’s just campaign rhetoric. Will there be any scrutiny under his watch to previous corruption and embezzlement or how to deal party co-members who were heavily involved in corruption. More than 70% of Somalilanders, according to one survey, perceive widespread corruption in government institutions especially ministers while another 80% of population cited that they were asked bribe in police stations to get basic security service. This practices erodes public trust in the government and in return paves the ground for other’s to deliver the vey basic finical that the government is supposed the perform.
Put it simply, when the government neglects delivering service or showing semblance of presence and caring, the logic goes, then the people is filled with resentment and may turn violent ways to demand for change.
Africa is continent of the young people, and Somaliland is no exception. While this seen as asset for potential contributors in the development by employing their skills and energy, they can be also source of serious instability if the current status quo didn’t change for the better. Remember, after all, what prompted Mohammed Bouazizi that in setting himself fire and sparked Arab Uprisings was public frustration of his government coupled by power abuse by government officcer. That doesn’t mean however, Youth is sandwiched in dichotomy of good-guy with university degree and bad-guy with scars and degree in troublemaking, no one desires to be looser but the circumstances imposes them to be. Mo Ibrahim Foundation which promotes good governance in Africa, reveals that by 2050, half of Africa’s population will be below 25 years old. The irony is that in that same continent (Africa), Less than a quarter of Africa’s youth is “very interested in public affairs”. This means public frustration of youth in their countries especially broken promises of politician, joblessness and other grievances. Dismal as it may sound; the unprecedented number of jobless youth can instigate violence in many cards; petty crimes to serious extremist ones. The candidates were vague in their promises to youth albeit differently but their also wide and increasingly activism in youth which demand more just and worthy endeavors. Platforms like Inspire Group by organizing presidential debate has shown the ability of youth to demonstrate their voice and held politicians accountable and answerable to the public.
I doesn’t make sense to make promises and pay lip service to the youth’s cause by appointing one young man/woman to vice-ministerial post and then brag about it while entire generation ravages in teashops and streets. However it’s more of visionary act and envisioning the future of this young men/ women in their society. Make no mistake, the argument is not that appointing youth to political office is insignificant nor it’s undermining symbolic and exemplary it means but the point is not to reduce the entire cause to tokenistic and marketing instrument for government bereft from any real plans for youth.
The Mussa Bihi administration also faces significant geopolitical developments. Somaliland is no longer spectator in waiting, the recent engagement with the Gulf Crisis and U.A.E relations demonstrate the willingness of outside countries to engage with Somaliland in matter relating to their interests, but also shows how controversial some stances may prove. The management of military base approval by the parliament was dubious and problematic. Such deals necessities outmost transparency to make enduring legitimacy and sustainability. The next Somaliland government must identify and articulate what constitutes the best for Somaliland interests and navigate how to pursue in world that is not friendly to un-orthodox state formation. Somaliland foreign minister once suggested the ‘’Africanisation of Somaliland Foreign Policy’’ presumably realizing that Siilaanyo administration neglected African states in Somaliland quest for recognition and engagement, but that didn’t materialize reflecting institutional gaps alluded earlier. Somalia question is at the end the inevitable one. As talk collapsed, the president-elect was during televised presidential debate un clarifying when reflecting on the causes of the failure of the talks, scapegoating opposition officials on the failure which initially was part and parcel of his party. Other candidate weren’t clear either on their plans in dealing with Somalia. Flip flops and sudden uneven changes is fact known in Somaliland foreign policy. This is apparently due to lack of institutionalized way of dealing with the issues.
Somaliland is at tipping point. Whether the next administration innovates change or end up as Old Wine in New Glass, it’s undoubtable that the new government faces tremendous challenges; economic recovery, job creation, safe guarding environment and maintaining governance. Also important is the eastern regions and recent success in ceasing hostility with fronts operation there, this must be capitalized and the president-elect hinted at that. But there’s also promising and refreshing things that fills you with optimism. Public consensus about issues deemed important; peace, democracy, education and brilliance is something to cherish and celebrate. Young men/ women fighting for good and decent lives expressing their endeavors in art, music , stories and increasingly yes, photography, is strong reminder that Ayan’s Somaliland is struggling but promising one.
The general in charge of U.S. Africa Command (Africom) has requested a second investigation into an August raid in Somalia after reports that U.S. soldiers killed 10 civilians, a spokeswoman confirmed Thursday.
“Subsequent media reports alleged misconduct by U.S. personnel who participated in the operation,” Africom spokewoman Robyn Mack said in a statement. “As a result, Marine Corps Gen. Thomas D. Waldhauser, commander, U.S. Africa Command, referred the matter to the Naval Criminal Investigative Service to ensure a full exploration of the facts given the gravity of the allegations.”
In November, the Daily Beast reported that U.S. special forces soldiers shot and killed 10 unarmed civilians, including at least one child, during an Aug. 25 operation in the southern Somali town of Bariire. The outlet cited interviews with survivors and a Somali army general.
Hours after the publication of the Daily Beast report, Africom released a statement saying its own investigation had concluded that the only people killed were armed enemy combatants.
“After a thorough assessment of the Somali National Army-led operation near Bariire, Somalia, on Aug. 25, 2017, and the associated allegations of civilian casualties, U.S. Special Operations Command Africa (SOCAF) concluded that the only casualties were those of armed enemy combatants,” Mack reiterated Thursday.
But Somalis continued to insist there were civilian causalities. Earlier this month, the Daily Beast published a second story in which a Somali National Army soldier said he saw U.S. soldiers firing on unarmed people.
On Thursday, Mack pledged all allegations will be “fully and impartially” investigated.
“Africom takes all allegations of misconduct seriously and will leverage the expertise of appropriate organizations to ensure such allegations are fully and impartially investigated,” she said.
The U.S. military has roughly 500 troops in Somalia, double the number of forces from a year ago, with two new military headquarters in Mogadishu.
President Trump this year granted a request from Africom to give commanders more authority to conduct airstrikes and raids against al-Shabaab without high-level, interagency reviews.
U.S. forces have been working with the Somali government to fight al-Shabaab for years, but American troop presence and airstrikes have increased since Trump took office. In addition, U.S. forces this year launched their first airstrikes against the country’s Islamic State in Iraq and Syria affiliates.
Many historians are now wondering whether Siilaanyo, in fact, will be remembered as the very worst president in all of Somaliland history.
Which raises a question for today: How will Siilaanyo be viewed in history? Will he be the worst and weakest? Or will he fall into the category of faltering failures?
Before we delve into that question, perhaps it would be interesting to know what in fact constitutes presidential failure and how we arrive at historical assessments of it.
We cannot know a leader completely, his character, his integrity, his principles, his sense of judgment till he has shown his colors, ruling the people, making the laws. Experience, there is the test.
There are many lessons we learned from Siilaanyo’s leadership that history will not allow us to forget even if we try to forget them. As history is a merciless judge, it is not fanciful or even unfair if to begin with Siilaanyo’s personality.
Siilaanyo is not a relic of another age as some hypocritics assert and acerbically argue in most of the time. He is a rabble-rouser, whose political and social mindset has always been to confuse the people when he could not convince them.
In principle, Siilaanyo is not a man of his own word. Nor he is a man of integrity. Virtue is not his traditional value. Betrayal is his basic profession, and profanity his behaviour.
When it comes to the faculty of ruling, Siilaanyo is ranked lowest for his moral authority, lowest for his vision and ability to set a national agenda. He is the worst, weakest and most wicked president since Somaliland seccesion.
During his presidency, it never came into his sense that the world is ruled by brains, by justice, by morals and by fairness. To his critics, rule was an incident, to him, a vacation. He made his vagueness as a shield, his weakness as an excuse of age, his wickednes as a sign of wisdom.
It is always true that honest and skillful leaders seize the opportunites to change things for the better. In periods where there is no honest and capable leadership, society progress stands still, even if things do not move in the reverse direction.
As history is our guide, Siilasnyo has never made a vctory to celebrate in his political life. If there is any, it was surely when he was elected as a president through election fraud in 2010. Instead he brought remarkable failures to Somaliland history.
Failures do not come from what humans know; they come from what humans do or undo.Their assessments depend on what people do well and what they don’t. For this, failures that come from what leaders do or don’t, end either in failure or in victory.
First, we must consider the difference between the failure of omission and failure of commission.
The first is when a president fails to deal with a crisis thrust upon him by events beyond his control.
When Siilaanyo was elected as a president, he took the power of a country that was in decent shape, a country that had all its required legal institutions intact, the legislative body, the judiciary, the executive body, the police, the army forces, the public service.
In fact it was actually an era when it was possible to believe that politics could speak to society’s moral yearnings and be harnessed to its highest aspirations. More than anything, perhaps, this era reminds us of a time when the nation’s capacities looked limitless, when its future seemed unbounded, when Somalilanders believed that they could solve hard problems and accomplish bold deeds.
In short and sharp reflection, in the year 2010 Siilaanyo took the lead for a state that was growing like a rising sun.
Siilaanyo is the first Somaliland president who did not prove himself as a skillful leader by any practical sense. He proved that he was incapable of dealing with the national issues in any effective way. In part this was because he was a man who lacked leadership character and hence couldn’t get beyond his own narrow political vision as the country he was charged with leading slipped ever deeper into crisis day after day.
Siilaanyo is the first Somaliland president who, right from his presidential inaugration date till the end of his rotten term, gagged himself, didn’t listen to anybody; didn’t take any advice, and did hole himself up in the presidential mansion, pretending to be someone that he is not, like someone not up and around – sort of synical plot.
This pretension in part enabled Siilaanyo to introduce policies and plans that undermined the motives of the national constitution. Siilaanyo transformed Somaliland presidential palace into a stronghold of his immediate family, putting loyalty to his own tribe ahead of loyalty to the state. He avoided the responsibility for handling the national ruling affairs and empowered memebers of his immediate family to run the government according to their own outlook and interest.
Sillaanyo did not stop there. He went further and took steps that changed Somaliland state from institutional government to a traditional government. He didn’t care about how this action impacts the real meaning of what an elected institutional government is all about.
Siilaanyo’s ignorance and refusal to be open and honest with the public interests further showed a disregard for the people who put him in power, and in turn eroded public trust in the state.
This didn’t create leadership vacuum but caused mismanagement crises that seriously threatened to engulf the nation. What has made the state a hell on earth has been precisely that members of Siilaanyo’s tribe have got the chance to make it their heaven.
Looking back at Somaliland history, Siilaanyo is the man who divided SNM into foes and factions. He is the man who instigated and intensified the first civil war that happened between East and West communities in Burco. He is the man who engineered what is known as the rainbow coalition.
Moving from his original motives based on ethnic hatred, he revived to enforce the strength of rainbow coalition, which is a political tribal move meant to keep specific tribe out of Somaliland. A feeling of hatred and enmity, hard to reverse or restrain, seems to grow if faith and trust will not be offered.
Siilaanyo is the first Somaliland president who openly conflated what is legal with what is always immoral, and overtly legalised corruption practices leading from one avenue to another, considering that corruption is not a vice but a virtue to enrich certain people, till it gradually became a normal way of life in every sector of our society. From political circles to business board rooms to educational institutions to the health and judicial sectors.
Siilaanyo is the first Somsliland president who made national treasury as his private bank account. He is the first Somsliland president who brought many people of his tribe into the government and more impoertant into the army. He is the first Somaliland president who openly violated the national consitution, allowing so many personalities of his clan and cronies to loot the public wealth.
It was as if the virtue of preventing vices and promoting virtue and human values were totally out of his belief and morality. Improve ourselves, reform ourselves, become more conscious, less flawed, less proud and impulsive – all that moral values are not what Siilaanyo grew to accustom either in his political life or in his private life.
Siilaanyo not only manipulated corruption policies to get Somaliland into poverty but he then used the corruption as an excuse to transform Somaliland society in ways that proved highly deleterious.
One result from many of these policies was that the economy flipped out of control. Inflation surged into double-digit territory. In addition, Siilaanyo’s corruption policies sapped resources and threw the nation’s budget into deficit. The president made no effort to inject fiscal austerity into governmental operations, eschewing his primary weapon of budgetary discipline, the fraudulent print of Somali Shilling.
His foreign policy would almost have to be considered a failure, and fraught with disaster.
But, whatever the underlying contributors to his failure, there is no denying that he is a failed president. He never handled a single issue in a prudent presidential manner. And this is a failure of commission.
When consider in all these cases, we can conclude that Siilaanyo intention was to ruin Somaliland. No more, no less. What else could we explain?
A failure of commission is when a president actually generates the crisis through his own wrong-headed actions. That’s failure of commission.
Brief Background and the Profile of the New Deputy Finance Minister of the Republic of Somaliland, Mr. Mohammed Dahir Ahmed (ACCA)..
Mr. Mohammed Dahir Ahmed (ACCA) was born in Hargeisa on the 10thof October 1979. He grew up, studied and completed his Kuranic, primary and secondary school at Abu hurayra (Ex Abdullahi Muse) Secondary school in Hargeisa from 1990 – 1998. Mr. Mohammed moved then to Ethiopia for a territory education while he was among some outstanding students from Somaliland who had gone through competitive University placement test in Jijija/Ethiopia to be part of a University Scholarship Program offered by the Ethiopian Civil Service Collage in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Mr. Mohammed proved himself to be among those who successfully had the top scores and preceded his educational journey to Addis Ababa.
Mr. Mohammed has pursued a Bachelor of Arts in Accounting & Finance from 1998 – 2001 at the Ethiopian Civil Service College in Addis Ababa Ethiopia with great distinction and exceptional records throughout his studies at the University. He was noted for his hard work, diligence and enthusiasm to prove beyond expectations during his lifetime at the University.
After successful completion of his studies, Mr. Mohammed has returned to his home country “Somaliland” and commenced delivering lectures at the Faculty of Business & Economics, University of Hargeisa from 2001 -2003. During his tenure at the University, he has also managed to work with International Rescue Committee (IRC) an American Based humanitarian organization and The Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA) where he both served as Project Accountant and Micro-Finance Project Manager respectively.
Though his position in the life has always been tremendous, he always sought ways for further improvements. This ambition has led him to have finally landed in Birmingham, The United Kingdom for further studies. He has again proved himself and has completed and certified by the Association of Chartered Certified Accountants (ACCA) – at Kaplan Financial Training Company, Birmingham, United Kingdom from 2004 – 2008.
From 2008, Mr. Mohammed has been a Certified Chartered Accountant (ACCA) and a permanent of the member of the International Association of Chartered Accountants. He will also be shortly qualified as a Certificated Public Accountant (CPA).
Mr. Mohammed has worked with various international organization and institutions in the UK, UAE and his country of Somaliland as well while he served different capacities as a Certified Accountant.
Some of the positions held by Mr. Mohammed are summarized below:
Date
Position
Organization
2013 – Now
Independent Financial Consultant and Political Analyst
Freelancer
2012– 2013
General Manager
Somaliland Food Aid Coordination Agency by a Presidential Degree.
Albraik Investment Group of Companies, Dubai Media City, Dubai, U.A.E
2008– 2009
Group Management Accountant
MBC GROUP, Dubai Media City, Dubai
2001 – 2003
Lecturers of Accounting and Finance
University of Hargeisa
Mr. Mohammed is a Certified Chartered Accountant, with more than 15 years’ experience in internal & external auditing, risk management, large telecommunications, non-governmental and retail organizations. Ambitious and determined with the commitment and readiness to work for his people and country, possesses excellent interpersonal skills Finance, accounting, public financial management, investment and divestment, public sector audit and accounting systems, internal audit, financial management, due diligence reviews, mergers and acquisitions, corporate strategy and restructuring, taxation and other advisory services, risk management, accounting and auditing standards.
On the 14th December 2017, Mr. Mohammed Dahir Ahmed (ACC) has been appointed as the Deputy Minister of Finance of the Republic of Somaliland by the President, His Excellency Muse Bihi Abdi.A
We pray Allah for Mr. Mohammed to be able to execute his duties and responsibilities at top of his ability and for the interest of his people and the country.
In what is seen as major inroads made in Somaliland’s cultural sector, the Music In Africa Foundation (MIAF) is proud to announce that a music training workshop and performance programme under the auspices of the Music In Africa Connects (MIAConnects) project was successfully implemented in the self-declared state’s capital, Hargeisa, in mid-October.
The focus instrument during the workshop was the oud in relation to traditional Somali music.
The MIAF partnered with the Hargeisa-based Redsea Cultural Foundation (RCF) earlier this year to support both established and upcoming music professionals in a region where the dictatorial regime of Mohamed Siad Barre between 1969 and 1991 led to a devastating civil war that saw all art forms, including audio recordings, looted and demolished.
Various cultural players in the autonomous state, such as the RCF, are now shoring up the cultural sector by holding various activities that are often frowned upon by religious clerics and large sectors of Somaliland’s society.
The MIAF recently learnt that efforts to reignite the music sector in Somaliland through its MIAConnects music development project, which operates in seven African countries affected by conflict, had materialised in a workshop at the Hargeysa Cultural Centre, where the RCF has also built a facility equipped with the required gear to produce music recordings.
As a starting point for future activities of a similar kind, the workshop covered topics relating to the basic understanding of music, RCF president Jama Musse Jama told Music In Africa. The focus instrument during the workshop was the oud in relation to traditional Somali music, with music expert and former Iftin Band member Abdi Mohamed Jama, who is also the director of the Department of Culture at the Somaliland Ministry of Information, facilitating the training of 13 beneficiaries.
Jama Musse Jama said the 13 were subjected to three days of theory classes while various other artists were invited to perform alongside the students as part of their practical training. The invited artists then held a performance on the last day of the workshop when the participants were tested on their piano skills, with seven of the trainees passing the syllabus and attaining certificates.
The top performer was Ismail Abdillahi who got a 100% test score. He was followed by Hamda Abdiwahab (90%), Hamdi Ali (85%), Ciise Muuse (60%), Rooble Mohamed (60%), Muna Abdirahman (50%) and Yasin Yusuf (50%).
“There is a general complexity to talk about and promote music classes in Somaliland,” Jama Musse Jama said after the conclusion of the workshop. “Society is not yet ready to welcome these kinds of activities, and in particular major resistance arises when young female artist are among the trainees.
“This issue has become even more prominent in recent times with cities in Somaliland, including Burao, where instrumental and traditional music has been banned at all public events including festive occasions such as weddings.”
Apart from turning its attention to music development in Somaliland, the RCF is best known for organising the Hargeysa International Book Fair, which is regarded as the main cultural even in Somaliland. The annual event brings together writers, poets and artists from around the world to share and discuss their art, culture and literary productions with the audience.
This year, the book fair celebrated 10 years of existence and aptly chose the theme Connectivity in line with the MIAConnects project. It also featured the band Xiddigaha Geeska (Horn of Africa Stars), which performed to a capacity audience of 4 500 people. The band’s show was broadcast live on two major Somali television channels and streamed on social media where it enjoyed unprecedented viewership numbers.
The RCF is also in the process of producing a music booklet of Somali music that will contain five traditional songs. The booklet is expected to be published sometime next year.
About MIAConnects
MIAConnects is a multi-faceted music development initiative aiming to support the music sectors of African countries affected by conflict. The project is implemented by the Music In Africa Foundation together with partners in seven focus countries, namely Chad, Mali, Niger, Nigeria (North), Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan. It is supported by the German Federal Foreign Office and Siemens Stiftung.
As Somaliland’s fifth President was sworn in to power, the international community applauded the democratic elections and peaceful transition of power in the self-declared sovereign country of Somaliland, this week.
During the presidential inauguration ceremony at the National Palace, dignitaries from the European Union (EU) and other European countries along with leaders from neighboring countries such as Ethiopia attended the event and applauded Somaliland for its peaceful transition of power. Held in the early morning of December 13, 2017, the inauguration ceremony also attracted thousands of Somalilanders from all walks of life.
“We congratulate Somaliland for conducting a peaceful, democratic and inclusive election,” EU Ambassador to Somali Veronique Lorenzo said.
The presidential election, which is the third of its kind in the self-proclaimed Somaliland since 2003, brought Muse Bihi Abdi to power, who replaced Mohamed Silaanyo. Both men were (the incumbent and the president elect) were from Kulimye, a major political party in Somaliland.
Somaliland claimed its independence in 1991 from the then Somali Republic.
The 69 year old president from Isaaq clan is expected to lead his country to more economic growth and political inclusiveness.
Muse Bahi, before reaching to such heights, was a commanding officer for the Somali National Movement, a rebel groups during the war to overthrow President Siad Barre in the 1980s. During such crucial time, Ethiopia under the Derg regime used to support the rebel group as a way of weakening the Barre government. Few historical accounts also show that Barre’s government was supporting and assisting the then rebel fighters in Ethiopia.
Bahi was also an interior minister, representing his party Kulmiye in the 1990s. The ruling party Kulmiye was praised for archiving stability and economic growth. Yet, it was also under the scrutiny by commentators of a widespread Corruption as well as for running clan politics.
Since 2017, there was a fighting with Khaatumo separatist, near the Ethiopian border.
He is now the fifth president of the country, (with the population estimated to be no less than 3.5 million where 70 percent is under 30 years of age.
“You have healing to do,” Ambassador Lorenzo said, while speaking at the inauguration.
Dragging Somaliland out of the economic depreciation, poverty and security problems as well as, getting recognition from the international community will be the next assignments of Abdi.
Following the direct election, Somaliland is expected to hold its parliamentary election in 2019. As far as the political make up is concerned, the Parliament has 82 seats and there is also called house of elders also known as Guurt.
Currently, the economy of Somaliland is highly dependent on livestock export which makes up 30 percent of the GDP. Diaspora funds and insignificant contribution from the Port of Berbera are also – to a small extent – part of the macro-economy of the country. In addition, charity from Gulf countries, particularly Kuwait and Turkey, is evident.
The country exports livestock, hides, and fishes to Gulf States.
PENTAGON — U.S. Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis said Friday that he was optimistic about improving Somali accountability concerning the distribution of American aid to Somali armed forces, much of which was suspended because of corruption concerns.
“I’m sure we can get this thing under control, even if it’s not for the whole, but for parts of it,” Mattis told reporters at the Pentagon.
The suspension reflected the Somali military’s repeated inability to account for aid items, such as food, fuel and weapons.
‘Pause’ in assistance
The massive “pause” in aid is being made “to ensure that U.S. assistance is being used effectively and for its intended purpose,” a State Department official said.
It will “affect the majority of U.S. logistical support and stipends assistance” to the Somali armed forces “until additional transparency and accountability measures are in place,” Marion Wohlers, the spokesperson for African affairs at the State Department, told VOA.
The Somali government has agreed to develop new accountability criteria that meet American standards, a State Department official said.
Mattis said changing a “culture of corruption” takes time, adding that Somalia had “finally got a president worth supporting.”
FILE – Members of the Somali military perform a defensive drill after attending a commando training exercise in Mogadishu, Jan. 20, 2016.
“We have a good relationship with President [Mohamed Abdullahi] Farmajo and his administration, but as you know, he inherited a very difficult situation,” Mattis said.
Some assistance to continue
Somali security force members who are actively fighting al-Shabab and receiving some form of mentorship from either the U.S. or a third party will continue to receive appropriate assistance, officials said.
According to documents obtained by the Reuters news agency, the Somali military has been unable to properly feed, pay or equip its soldiers, despite having received hundreds of millions of dollars of American support.
A U.S.-Somali team sent to nine Somali army bases between May and June of this year found that evidence of the arrival of food aid or its consumption by soldiers was present at only two of the bases, Reuters reported.
Plans to suspend the support will be a “big setback” to the effort by Somali security forces to fight al-Shabab, warned former Somali Defense Minister General Abdulkadir Ali Dini.
Dini, who worked closely with American officials in Somalia for many years, first as chief of the Somali national army and later as defense minister, said the decision did not come at the right time.
“If the United States suspends food, fuel and stipends, that will hamper the war and work against the enemy and terrorists,” he said. “It does not help these operations, and it damages morale.”
HARGEISA— President of the Republic of Somaliland, Col. Musa Bihi Abdi chaired the meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers. The meeting held at the presidential palace saw the attendance of 31 cabinet ministers on Saturday.
The Vice President, Abdirahman Sayli also attended the first cabinet meeting under president, Col. Musa Bihi.
The Head of State addressed the meeting and said that his new government must keep the promises made during his presidential campaign.
First of all, the mission of the gathering was that the ministers should introduce themselves to the president.
A statement from the presidency said that the gathering lasted for hours.
The President, Col. Musa Bihi underlined the importance of healing the divisions that the elections left behind and further called his ministers to do all they can to work towards the unity of Somaliland.
The following points written below have been agreed in principle:-
All cabinet ministers must keep the secretes of the government and the nation.
Ministers were apprised to register all their assets.
They were demanded to bring access to their personal information as the law of constitutions stipulates.
They have agreed to hold meetings on regular basis aimed at consolidating the cooperation among government ministries.
They should serve justice and equality for all regions in Somaliland.
Being appointed as ministers, they should not be associated with a particular clan, family and therefore barred all ministers once they are invited to attend ceremonies which are about to hold by their clans.
New ministers are barred to hold ceremonies of office assumption to private hotels but are told to hold in ministries.
Human Rights Centre (HRC) calls on the government of Somaliland to release jailed journalists of Abdirisak Dayib Ali and Mohamed Adan Dirir.
On 5th December 2017 Abdirisak Dayib Ali, a journalist with Haldoornews website was arrested in Gabiley. He was brought to court on 7th December. The court remanded him seven days into prison, according to court officials
.He is accused of taking an interview published in Gabliyenews.net in which a lady made allegations against the mayor of Gabiley, according to government officials who spoke to Human Rights Centre and Mohamoud Abdi Jama, the chairman of Somaliland Journalists Association.
Abdirisak told HRC that he did not take the interview and that he does not write anything on Gabilyenews.net website. According to Abdrisak, he designed the website and handed over its owner in 2015. Abdirisak is a journalist and a web designer.
He is still in Gabiley prison.
On 8th October, 2017 journalist Mohamed Adan Dirir was sentenced to one year and six months in jail by a judge at Hargeisa Regional Court. His lawyer and family were not present at the hearing. They were not informed, according to his lawyer, Mubarig Abdi. The judge pronounced the judgment on the same day. Dirir was arrested on 16th September, 2017 in Hargeisa. The prosecution accused him of defamation and publishing false news in relation to articles that allegedly accused Noradin School, a private school based in Hargeisa, of misconduct against its female students. The Appeal Court will hear Dirir’s appeal on 20th December 2017.
“We request the new president, Muse Behi Abdi, to release these journalists. Freedom of media is enshrined in the Constitution and the international human rights laws. It is the obligation of the government not to suppress the media,” says Guleid Ahmed Jama, the chairperson of Human Rights Centre.
Watch the Video on Gabileynews founder refuting the arrest of reporter that he has a complete alibi.
The newly elected Somaliland President, Muuse Bihi Abdi, has many issues in his in-tray. The implementation of Khatumo-Somaliland agreement signed in Ainaba district before Somaliland elections in November is one of them. For the agreement to succeed the incoming Somaliland government must remember that the outgoing administration has struck a balance between loyalty and political vision. Loyalty of locals to Somaliland ensured the efficacy and reliability of Somaliland institutions in Sool. The political vision reflected in Ainaba agreement will help Somaliland government consolidate its legitimacy by making the polity more inclusive.
The new President of Somaliland, Muuse Bihi Abdi, had a meeting with Khatumo leader, Dr Ali Khalif Galaydh, in Hargeisa. Mr Bihi reiterated his commitment to implementing the Ainaba agreement. No matter how committed Somaliland government is to implementing the agreement, it will face insurmountable hurdles if Khatumo leader violates the terms of the agreement such as cessation of propaganda. In an interview with VOA Somali Service Dr Galaydh argued that Somaliland politicians from regions Khatumo claims as its core constituency are figureheads. This is a wanton violation of the agreement. If the incoming Somaliland government decides to put implementation of the agreement on hold or suggests modification in the agreement, Dr Galaydh has no one else to blame but himself.
The Ainaba agreement cannot succeed if Khatumo leader questions the mandate of the incoming Somaliland government by assuming Somaliland will crown him as the Paramount Chief of Sool. If Bihi gives in to a pressure to side-line Somaliland politicians from Sool, his administration will be viewed as a weak and beholden to a very traditional conception of politics: empowering clan leaders instead of politicians.
Demagoguery was a remarkable aspect of Somaliland elections. Traditional leaders organised meetings to canvass votes for respective presidential candidates before 13 November elections. In their pursuit to remain relevant traditional leaders are in a power struggle with politicians. If Khaumo leader keeps disparaging politicians who denied demagogues the ability to claim exclusive clan representation privileges, then it will be clear to anyone that Khatumo leaders are not serious about implementation of the agreement.
To prevent Ainaba Agreement from collapsing the incoming Somaliland government ought to include guiding principles in the implementation process of the agreement. One of those principles is: Somaliland government is empowered and mandated to act impartially to implement Ainaba Agreement. Another principle about ensuring cooperation among Sool politicians could be: Politicians should not resort any action that can jeopardise the spirit and the letter of Ainaba Agreement. Violations of an agreement delay its implementation and sow mistrust among stakeholders.
The decision to withdraw confidence for Puntland was based on disillusionment with clan-based political arrangements. That principle is equally applicable to anyone who attaches primacy to clan identity instead of political institutions based on the rule of law. Without Somaliland government’s intervention southern Sool clan feuding would go on now. Only an administration with mature institutions like Somaliland is capable of dealing with clan hostilities that flare up from time to time in Somali-inhabited territories. Dr Galaydh urged Somaliland government to discourage sub-clan meetings aimed at derailing pre-agreement talks. If he insists on being granted exclusive political representation of Sool within Somaliland, he will be contradicting himself.
Ainaba Agreement is the opportunity to address the “disputed territories” status of many parts in Eastern Somaliland. Articles in the agreement reflect commitment to peaceful solution of political problems on the one hand and making Sool accessible to aid workers. All stakeholders have a vested interest in making Ainaba Agreement a success.
HARGEISA–Somaliland Civil Service Commission will soon commence census of government employees.
This was disclosed by the Head of Service Mr. Sharmarke Ahmed Muhumed, during a general meeting where all civil service officials attended.
The aim of the meeting is to convey to all government staffers over his administration’s commitment in flushing out all ghost workers and ensure that the number of civil servants currently working and to come up with and Civil Service Commission tally. Speaking at the event, Hon. Sharmarke has announced that the census will open a window of opportunity to youth particularly those who graduate from the universities once the census is done.
He further said that the mission is to further know the real needs of government employees so that their needs to be addressed. Mr. Sharmarke noted that this will be used as a vehicle for rectifying all shortcomings as far as civil service is concerned. The experts who are about to launch the census have said that they are contented with implementing of the project. The CSC has come to the conclusion that there is no accurate data of civil servants in the country and this will be finding lasting solution to the issue. Finally, the Head has given the green light to go ahead with the launching of census and showcased vehicles that will be used to conduct the project.
Somalilanders are quietly and confidently concretizing their dreams of statehood – all with the wish of one day being recognised as a political entity in its own right.
The last few months of 2017 have been characterised by global debates in relation to statehood recognition and its consequences for global order and the expansion of citizens’ rights. From Europe to the Middle East and Africa, we are openly discussing, for example, what takes to recognise a new country; what are the political consequences of recognition in terms of socio-political and economic stability, inclusion and citizens’ rights; or what are the consequences in terms of prevention of conflict and sustaining long-term peace.
I think – just to name a few – of the political struggle in Catalunya, the independence referendum in Kurdistan, the continuous debate in relation to Palestine, renovated in times of Trump, and the on-going civil war in one of the newest and internationally backed countries, South Sudan.
Meanwhile, in Somaliland – north of Somalia, East Africa – Somalilanders, quietly and confidently, continued concretizing their own statehood dreams: over the last few months, Somaliland has organised its third presidential election, which took place on November 13, demonstrating the strength of its electoral, multi-party and hybrid political system. All with the wish of one day being recognized by the world as a political entity in its own right.
Kate Stanworth. All rights reserved.Twenty-six years ago, Somaliland unilaterally declared independence from Somalia and now enjoys peace and stability in a volatile and violent regional context. Nevertheless, Somaliland is not recognised by a single country. Over all these years, Somalilanders, step by step, have overcome the most complex of socio-political and economic challenges and, with little support from the international community, have co-created what is today considered a unique peace and state-building example, attracting the attention of many people like us who want to understand how local organized citizens can craft their own solutions to civil war, insecurity, poverty, environmental problems and instability.
As members of Somaliland Focus UK, we accompany Somalilanders’ efforts. Recently, we co-organised the International Electoral Observation Mission (EOM) to the presidential elections. We also disseminate knowledge about this East African country, which is offering unique lessons to the world.
In this article, I present a brief account of the formation of Somaliland and its current achievements and challenges. We hope this is a small contribution to share information on what is certainly an example to the world. I will publish an extended research report early next year (together with Dr. Marta Fernandez, Brazil). The EOM will publish the final report on its observation mission in the first half of 2018.
Peace and state-building in East Africa
Kate Stanworth. All rights reserved.Somaliland is a successful example of peace- and state-building. Unlike some other African countries – still suffering diverse violent conflicts and intensive flawed and/or militarized international intervention – in Somaliland, local actors were and are the main stakeholders leading, creating and sustaining a legitimated political order.
The end of the civil war was possible because of the implementation of a locally led model of clan negotiation: a customary system of “social forgetting” which endorsed reconciliation and dialogue towards peace and constitution making. Since 1991, local clans organised and self-funded several “national” inter-clan peace conferences and grassroots local assemblies dealing with clan reconciliation, constitutional issues and institutional formation.
Kate Stanworth. All rights reserved.All this follows local customs: a local- and indigenous-lead conference lasted several months, implied commitment to arduous consensus-building facilitated by local elders, entailing long discussions among citizens held under the acacia trees and inspired by ancient poetry. The scenery, and peoples’ predispositions, were the gateway to what is called “sympathetic attention” and mutual interest, two pre-conditions to generate collective agreements, new ideas, joint decisions and finally, create a country with its own constitution and new institutions – all achieved despite various challenges, including the outbreak of violence in between meetings.
Today, for example, Somaliland has its local councils, a bicameral parliament – including the “Guurti” formed by indigenous elders and an elected one – its executive representatives and institutions including various specialized ministries, a central bank and local currency, a budget financing national public policy (the National Development Plan and other policies) and several functioning international representations working abroad as “embassies”. Somalia does not recognise Somaliland’s self-declared independence. As a consequence, there is an ongoing dialogue process taking place, mediated by Turkey.
Legitimacy: a state created by and for citizens
Kate Stanworth. All rights reserved.Many studies evidenced the legitimacy of Somaliland peace and state-building process: “Somaliland had more success in legitimating the state in the eyes of its citizens at least because it was based on cultural notions that neither colonialism nor “scientific socialism” were able to eradicate… it could, indeed, be seen as a first indigenous modern African form of government which entails traditional forms of organisation based on reaffirmation of lineage identity and territoriality within a democratizing framework containing an emphasis on self- reliance” (Kibble, 2001).
“Sympathetic attention” and mutual interest were two pre-conditions to generate collective agreements, new ideas, joint decisions and finally, create a country with its own constitution and new institutions.
Somaliland’s nation-state was demanded and co-created from the painful lessons of internal war, struggles after independence and divergent political options in Cold Ward times. In this context, Somaliland’s people deposited faith in the security and predictability that the kinship system could provide during state collapse and the long and painful process of post-independence politics and post-civil war reconstruction.
Because of this society-wide support for its young democracy, Somaliland’s nation-state is defended and nurtured by the vast majority of Somalilanders despite the lack of international recognition and existing differences between various clans and political parties. Against all odds, they are united in the common idea of sustaining their nation’s security and safety, while working hard to promote more development opportunities for all. It is noteworthy that respect for local dynamics and a politics of legitimation are prevalent in contrast to the somtimes short-term objectives and interests pushed by “international actors” actively engaged in other peace and state-building processes on the continent.
Third elected president and the future ahead
Kate Stanworth. All rights reserved.As mentioned above, in November 2017, Somaliland organised its third presidential election, efficiently coordinated by the National Electoral Commission (NEC). Three political parties’ candidates successfully ran their campaigns and the election resulted in the confirmation late in the month of Musa Bihi Abdi of the Kulmiye Party as new president. Unlike in other African countries -where presidents stay in power for decades creating a suffocating political context-, in Somaliland, the incumbent President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud (Silanyo), also of the Kulmiye Party, did not run for a second term.
In the days following polling day, tensions emerged between political parties and their supporters and the associated clans, from some perceived and real institutional challenges linked with running a well-organised and transparent election. Nevertheless, these disagreements were, again, eventually successfully managed by local leaders -from political parties, institutions and traditional representatives- with the aim to “defend” peace, coexistence and democratic stability above all. Remarkably, the defeated candidate openly declared in a press conference days after the election: “I don’t want my desire to hold this post to destroy my country and shed my people’s blood”. As Edna Anan -one of the most recognised local social leaders- mentioned in one of the public meetings organised after election day: “above all, Somalilanders recognise that with democracy everyone wins”. On November 21, the election result was declared by Somaliland’s National Electoral Commission. On November 28, the Supreme Court endorsed the result, after no formal complaints were received.
Somalilanders in every country corner -from desert rural areas to busy cities- flooded schools and community centres to cast their vote. Young leaders -for example, a group of more than 600 local observers and hundreds of electoral staff, national police and political parties’ agents- worked tirelessly to, yet again, demonstrate their belief in democracy. It was moving to see social mobilisation on such a scale to support the right to decide.
Kate Stanworth. All rights reserved.While traditional forms of organisation are still very important, new generations are quickly entering into the public space, organising initiatives to open up debates and provide increased transparency and public scrutiny to clan and political parties negotiations and practices. Youth and women-led organisations are working hard to change discriminatory, dangerous and unjust traditional customs.
For example, during this election period, “Inspire” a new youth-led social enterprise, organised the first national presidential TV debate: all candidates had to respond to concrete policy questions as the nation watched and openly debated the quality of the proposals and their options. Social media is widely used to share ideas and information, connecting everyone beyond any social, gender or clan distinction.
Somaliland might be the first African country to prohibit female genital mutilation (FGM) as per the promises shared by all presidential candidates. Many challenges still lie ahead: new investors and regional interests might need to think smart in terms of conflict prevention and national sovereignty. For example, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has signed an agreement to develop the Berbera port and open a military base nearby. Issues in relation to land prizes and management as well as the transparent management of resources are already causing concerns.
As soon as investments and development funds start coming to the country, Somaliland might need to reaffirm its commitment to put citizens and peace before everything, demonstrating solid human rights, anti-corruption and transparent development practices that distinguish it from other countries. Similarly, the country must start pulling together resources in the areas of education, health, infrastructure and small-scale development, overcoming years of mainly spending on security and some institutional building. It will be good to see if Somaliland can put human rights and citizens’ peace and dignity at the centre of every future policy decision. This is the time to make the right choices.
In times when we face new questions in relation to secessionist and independence movements, Somaliland offers an examplehow citizens can come to organise their own socio-political processes, making theirnvoices heard so as to create fairer social orders without much “international aid”. In all, Somaliland poses questions to the world: when and why to recognise the creation of a new country and how best this facilitates peace and security? What are the limitations and problems of international intervention – by action or omission – when the challenge is to understand and support socio-political harmony? Can this country become an example to the world in respecting human rights and citizens’ dignity? We hope so and we will stay close to observe and support.
The number one blessing behind me to be study Medicine is my parents who were educated and they knew the importance of a doctor to the community, and they used to tell me and my siblings the benefits of being a doctor. I took my first diploma in First Aid when I was in grade 10 in high school. I liked it and it became an area I got more interested in. I had a hard time when I was joining my medical school as well, I applied for Cairo University in Egypt, and my application was not accepted. I applied again and accepted to sit for the entrance exam of the school of medicine of University of Hargeisa with 540 applicants. 3 days later, I saw my name not in the list of 44 students who were accepted.
I didn’t lose hope, and my mother advised me to Join Amoud University. I had another big challenge because there were 940 applicants and only 25 spaces available. We all had one year of foundation and by the end of the year, I was the second top student. I am now enjoying my second last year in the medical school.
What was the first development project you got involved in?
I established a student Union in my high school, and I succeeded to publish the first publication of the school Journal, the Voice of Qalax. I visited back the next year for the event of the second publication. It was a remarkable experience for me and I still look back.
In 2012, luckily, I remember in my annual university holiday, I entered a hall that Hargeisa International Book fair event was happening, I saw the leading individuals like Edna Adam (My Role Model, the mother of Somaliland Health), Abwaan Hadraawi (our Somali Shakespeare poet) and many others from every sector in my community gathered to discuss and debate society problems to find solutions. It was going on for 1 week.
In 2013 I volunteered in this wonderful event to understand and digest the ideas of our elder generation. From 2014 up till now I am the volunteer coordinator of HIBF (which now gathers around 100 international guests from all over the world) and I do organize more than 70 volunteers each year.
There I met with Somaliland Life Makers, a youth group from all over the world who were all Somalilanders and gathered to introduce to the youth how volunteering is important in our region. I asked them to become a member of that team, they welcomed me warmly. I became one of them, we were doing campaigns for providing shelter, food and health facilities to those who need most. We were spreading for 6 years only one message (Somaliland is not waiting others but only its people, to build invest, improve and sustain)
It was 5 months ago, when I succeeded to collect some of the active youth in Borama City and delivered them the message and we announced Somaliland Life Makers Borama team. We did the same task and provided food during Ramadan, the Muslim fasting month and clothes for Eid which marks the end of fasting.
Tell me about your volunteering in the field of maternal health. What’s your vision? How will you achieve it?
Two years before, I started to volunteer with some other students at two big campaigns of fistula repair for almost more than 200 women per year from all over the Somali speaking regions at Borama National Fistula Hospital. We use to go to take the history, physical examinations and prepare them for the operations. The most shocking part was when you see very young women at the age of 15 years or less got married and developed obstructed labor for more than 5 days in somewhere that has no medical facilities at all. And you keep listen and some say the head of the baby came out and the rest couldn’t deliver and she kept travelling hours over the rough roads by a car (they even don’t know who will pay the rent of the car!) from that day I liked to volunteer more in the maternal health.
We are one of the countries that has the highest maternal morbidity and mortality rate in the world. My vision is to save all mothers not only in Somaliland, but the whole continent. I was asked by Micheala, a German friend of mine, what gift I’d like, once she was coming for the Somaliland Presidential Election of the past month as international observer. I chose to bring us an ultrasound machine to work for those who have less and far and can’t reach the health centers. I have donated to my university and they they donated to the regional public hospital. I recognized it needs a long journey and time to decrease it dramatically as the developed countries, but I have been thinking about a way that the mothers of tomorrow, the mothers of 2020, those who are in the universities, colleges, and school girls can be saved. They are all using smart phones, and I want to develop a mobile app that can educate them on the important health messages, like how many times they should go for antenatal and postnatal care, and the warning signs, more over not to cut their baby girls later on and we all clear the FGM from the region as well. I feel like they are all waiting me and I have to take always more steps forward.
The delegation from Germany donating Ultra-Sound Machine to Amoud College of Health Science
How do you think the development of Somaliland’s health care will help in the country’s overall development?
if someone has a MI or serious condition and he or she needs PCI or other advanced procedures that we don’t have in the country, he or she needs to travel to another country to seek treatment. Some don’t have the money, some get difficulties of getting visa’s, or the passport (because we are not recognized country), if our health care is developed, we will not lose our genius babies, our heroine women and girls, our intellects and our doctors and many health care professionals. The more we build our health sector, the more we live in a better environment.
How can Somaliland Health System be improved?
Well this is quite big question, but I believe it needs to be corrected both on an individual and institutional level, let me start with the administrative and lower health care workers, they should have the proper skills, their educational level should be upgraded by get training regularly. General physician doctors get medical license which has an expired date, we don’t have postgraduate medical studies in the country which would have saved many people. There are too many people who are just practicing medicine and running their own clinics, giving unnecessary medications to the patients and all these need quality care.
Moreover, there are too many doctors from the neighboring countries who established their own clinics and getting no observations and sending the patients unnecessary laboratory investigations Some monitoring mechanism that can allow the real professionals to provide the health services as well upgrade those who are just practicing.
We don’t have any screening, diagnostic, and treatment center for all types of cancers. We send some times the biopsy to Kenya or another neighboring country.
Fortunately we have in the country for the past years two mammography machines in the capital city. The country needs to establish its first oncology department center. If any accident happens people take the injured people and reach them to the nearest hospital. They may take the patients in a wrong position and may worsen his condition or make other multiple fractures.
Community areas have no emergency call services at all, and we really don’t have any ICU’s in the regional hospital, just an emergency department. The more shocking part is we don’t have any paramedics at all. In our ambulances, we have the driver only (sometimes, his phone may be switched off).
Getting the surgeon, the anesthetist may take us 3 hours or more and some of our patients may get serious conditions. Our public health sector is completely in the border line. Our ministry of health and the doctors they rarely organize public health awareness, we are all the time dealing with the complications in the hospital. Fortunately, Amoud University, the college of health science, has been doing community activities for more than 10 years in Borama Region. Luckily I am very proud to lead this year the community activities program of our university. More than 1000+ Medical, Dental, pharmacy, laboratory, Nursing and public health students with their supervisors go two areas where there are many poor socio-economic people lives two days in the week.
Where do you hope to see Somaliland in 5/10 years time?
I see beautiful future studies and fellowships, and more over less patients in our hospitals. I hope this will uplift so high the quality of health sector, we will get postgraduate and will build together free health service for all. We will leave no one behind.
Who do you hope to be in 10 yrs.?
It’s a difficult question, and no one can predict how things will be tomorrow. But I am sure of one thing, I will be a better change maker. In 2 years time, I will be doing my internship. I hope I will go round the country to see real problems that my people are encountering. I will study in what ways it could be solved. I will proceed my career to study public health or the global health to promote the universal health coverage and the sustainable development goals particularly Goal 3. I will fight until no mother dies of Infections, Anemia, Pre-eclampsia, Antepartum or Postpartum Hemorrhage and many other preventable illnesses in Africa.
What does a typical day as a medical student involve?
It’s very tough and challenging. We go to classes 6:30 A.M till 7:30, we had some snacks for 20 minutes by 8 in the morning we all go to the ward rotations. We do patient history, physical examinations and do assessment and plan.
Doctors come and check with us and they discuss with us the most likely disease it will be, the next best step in management and the patient approach till 1 :00 P.M. we go back to our houses, at 4 PM and 6 P.M in the afternoon, some days we may have classes again and for our free time we dive our books.
One thing that is different from any other medical schools in the developed world apart from the resources and the quality of the teachers we have is, stressful life of typical medical student.
It is not coming from the medical school but it’s coming from the patients we have and the system of our health care. For example, we have two types of patients, one is very poor and one is in the middle class or rich. For those who are poor, they don’t even afford to pay the lab investigations like checking the Blood Group and or the Urine analysis or the IV cannula etc.
Sometimes we go to the hospital admin and we make them for free, but sometimes they make it for many people this day, and the hospital can’t accept more than that. We collect from our pocket money.
Our second type of patient is very rich and has many family visitors, our hospitals don’t have the machines and the diagnostic tests we could send for them. For example, No CT scans, or MRIs in our public hospitals and even not available in the private hospitals of some of the regions.
How has Medicine Africa and the kings Somaliland partnership helped to enhance your learning?
The first time I heard of Medicine Africa was my first year 2013, I joined a dinner event for saying good bye to the teachers from UK ( I remember the teachers Dr. Lora and Dr. Alexander), and as well the students from University of Hargeisa in the 2 weeks of interactive learning of psychiatry.
I signed up that day and I use to see the different sectors of Aqoon program. The students in UK and students from here in Somaliland discussing about cases. The clinical reasoning tutorials is the best tutorial we get from kings college and medicine Africa, it builds our thinking and our approach to the patients.
How do teaching sessions from UK based doctors help improve your learning of a topic?
The tutorials starts from the communication skills course and later we go to the courses we are feeling we don’t have any teachers in that field like the Radiology course. The sessions are interactive, the teacher is asking, students are answering and the teacher is explaining and commenting finally. We all take part together and its one of our most interesting classes we get in the week. We are very happy to have senior professional doctors from NHS, volunteering their valuable time to teach students how to interpret the basics of some diagnostic machines that even don’t exist in our settings.
What inspired you to start up your blood transfusion project? How is It going?
It was November 2016, when I was in the maternity ward and we received a patient with Antepartum hemorrhage and she was transferred from an MCH with an ambulance. Her initial blood level was 7.5 which is low amount of blood and was still bleeding, after we stabilized her and we asked to get blood transfusions, we didn’t get it earlier, and the doctors said her blood group named B- is not found widely.
Her pregnancy was always at risk because we had rare B- individuals. We have a booklist of donors in our lab, and we called two men. The first one said I donated one month ago and the other one said I am quite far from the city.
The doctors have seen the condition of the baby which was worsening and prepared quick emergency C-section. The family took a car and got the man and he donated one bag. The lady came out after an hour from the surgery and she asked the doctor, Is my baby alive? He said we couldn’t save the baby.
Later on, the mother developed postpartum depression, and it took us a week to keep her mood up. I took an attention of why we don’t have in the hospital a blood bank so that we give the transfusions earlier.
It was not that much longer, a week later when again we received the end of the day a mother with postpartum hemorrhage(bleeding during/after childbirth) and she was shivering and conscious, but completely blue lips and very pale hands.
After we stabilized her condition and sent urgent investigations, results came out with a blood level of 2 grams/dl. Luckily her blood type was O- and she found 3 units of transfusions, she got the transfusions and she was getting better hour by hour.
I left the hospital and went my classes worrying about her condition, next morning I came early and went directly to see her. I saw an empty bed and rushed to the nursing office and they told she passed away two hours ago! And it was very hard moment, I was remembering her history and she was bleeding for 4 days somewhere close to the border of Somaliland-Ethiopia, she was telling me she couldn’t find a car and family was quite poor and found late time.
That day I decided whatever it takes to me, I will establish Borama Blood Bank. After long run in the social media and tweeting for 1 month, I found my intermediate classmate Marwa Mohamed, who is registered nurse graduate from Edna Adan university.
We calculated the money of the machines and it was $10,000. We use to tag the different sectors of the community, local politicians and ambassadors. Finally, we met with Nimco Ali who has already fought for ending FGM and she said to us “you guys, what you are looking for is exactly drops of hope, and I am ready to help you”.
We started a gofundme page (https://www.gofundme.com/dropsofhope) during the UK campaign of the #Callthemidwife. Thanks to the 130 UK citizens who had participated the donations. Later on I remembered one reason that the mother was died was include no transportation. And we again look for a donor and again Nimco has found a donor from UK who has paid the money of the Ambulance. Thanks to Nimco Ali as well who has turned my dream into reality and now saving Somaliland mothers.
The journey was quite long and the hospital admin found a temporary machine from Hargeisa. Then I started a blood donation campaign from my medical school. Students were donating their blood. The unforgettable moment was, when the first donor, Mawlid, a lady suddenly appeared and said, I need a blood transfusion.
We gave her and she said, I have been looking for this type of blood for 4 days. I was there and encouraging students to donate. For the past two months, I was very busy on finding the equipment’s and finally we found it from china with $14,000. So now the items are in the procurement stage and will be sent upon completion.
