HARGEISA— The President of the Republic, Col. Musa Bihi Abdi, has today held a meeting of the Council of Ministers, at the Presidency of the Republic.

The following points have been released once the meeting came to an end:-

1. The Somaliland authority has interpreted the takeover of airspace by Somalia Federal Government from ICAO as meddling of internal affairs of Somaliland and further said that the planning minister of Somalia’s federal government on his visit to Badhan is a violation of its territorial integrity and cannot be tolerated.
2. During the gathering, the ministers have agreed in unison to consolidate the laws issued by the public works and housing ministry which placed a ban on selling public lands.
3. All media outlets are prohibited to disseminate clan based news.
4. Members of council ministers of Somaliland have been assigned to come up with lasting solution to the currency depreciation. They will assist the ministry of finance in its quest to stabilize Somaliland currency.

The commission will be headed by the finance minister, Mr. Yusuf Mohamed Abdi.

The following members have been named to assist the finance minister on the stabilization of Somaliland’s currency depreciation.

1. Minister of trade, industry and tourism, Hon. Mohamoud Hasan Sa’ad

2. Minister of investment development, Hon. Mohamed Ahmed Mohamoud Awad.

3.  Minister of Telecommunication and Technology, Hon. Abdiwali Abdilahi Sufi

4. Minister of Livestock husbandry and Fishery development, Hon. Hasan Mohamed Ali

5. Central Bank Governor, Hon. Mohamed Abdi Ibrahim aka “Dhobale”

RAK Gas, the state-owned energy company in the northern emirate of Ras Al Khaimah, is set to launch its upstream licensing round this year as it seeks production from new fields to offset the closure of a maturing one.

Seven blocks – four offshore and three onshore – spread across more than 4,000 square kilometres will be tendered in the bid round, which is set to be launched in March.

“The license round will be launched in late March 2018 and we’ll invite oil companies to come and look at the geological and technical data. Qualified companies will then be invited to submit bids by the end of November,” Nishant Dighe, chief executive at RAK Gas said in an interview with The National.

The operator is exploring for oil and gas, following the shut-in of production from the offshore Saleh field in August 2016, he added. The potential for domestic discoveries will provide “better-priced gas” to support energy-intensive industries such as RAK Ceramics, one of the world’s biggest tiles’ producers, said Mr Dighe.

More domestic gas supplies coming on-stream will also go towards supporting the emirate’s glass and cement industry, he added.

Following shut-in of the Saleh field, RAK Gas has been supporting industry through its arrangements to buy gas from the Dolphin project, which supplies two billion cubic feet of gas per day to the UAE via a pipeline from Qatar’s North Dome gas field. In October 2016, the UAE signed agreements with pipeline operator Dolphin Energy and Qatar Petroleum to supply gas to both Ras Al Khaimah and Sharjah.
RAK Gas has a 150 million cubic feet capacity processing plant at Khor Khwair that produces gas, liquefied petroleum gas, and condensate.

Saleh field, which lies 48 km offshore Ras Al Khaimah, has been on the decline due to pressure depletion and water breakthrough, and had been producing inconsistently since 1996.

A planned redevelopment in 2010 did not revive production from the field, from where output remained “very low” prior to its shut-in, said Mr Dighe who declined to comment on its average production levels.

The state-owned operator however hopes to strike discoveries in the relatively untapped Thamamah reservoir, which lies in the field, as well as an offshore discovery that will be tendered in the upcoming round.

“The blocks on offer have an excellent geological story for both oil and gas and we’re very optimistic about their potential,” said Mr Dighe.

RAK Gas also has operation licenses in concessions across Somaliland, Malawi, Egypt and Zanzibar.

“We’re also in Somaliland with a very attractive block, where we have a 75 per cent operating interest. We’re planning on starting 2D seismic shortly, with the view to drilling a well in 2019,” added Mr Dighe.

The National

Somaliland Journalists Association-SOLJA held its 6th General assembly

Press Release

on 30^th December, 2017 Somaliland Journalists Association-SOLJA held its 6^th General assembly at Ambassador hotel officially opened by the Vice-President HE. Abdirahman Abdilahi Saylici, there were other officials from government who said their word concerning congratulating SOLJA on holding timely General Assembly after three years including the Vise-Ministry of Information, the Chairman of UCID political party, chairman of SONSAF-Somaliland Non-state actors forum. In addition, this event was attended by journalist delegates from across 6 regions of Somaliland representing all media types-TVs, Newspapers, Radio &  Online media ,  international organization representatives, UN representatives, Human right organizations both governmental and private, senior journalists and most  importantly civil society members to observe the democratic election of SOLJA.

Yahye Mohamed “Xanas” SOLJA Executive Director

Moreover, SOLJA Executive Director Yahye Mohamed presented the organizational accomplishments report, challenges, financial & asset management overview and distributed a report entailing organizational success against its priority and strategic plan (2015-2017) towards all participants. Whereas the chairman Mohamud Abdi Jama presented his speech regarding Somaliland Media improvements in various sectors and SOLJA advocacies done which he emphasized the journalists freed and their rights restored in the past 3 years and called for the new government to respect media freedom.

Afterwards, the chairman of General assembly preparation committee Mohamed Mohamud Yusuf started processing fair elections and presented the election process for the 15 new boards of directors. Since, it’s worthy to mention that Hassan Mohamed Yusuf a well-known veteran journalist is voted to be the head of electoral committee together with 4 other electoral committee members among the delegates.

Finally, the electoral committee ensures the credibility of the election and announced the results of new 15 board of directors that will elect the Chairperson, Vice-chair and Secretary General. Hence, raised their voice and re-elected Mohamud Abdi jama “Huuto” as chairman for the next 3 years, Yahye Sheikh as Vice chairman and Sakeriye Ahmed Muhamed as Secretary General of SOLJA for the coming 3 years (2018-2020).

In fact, observers from international and local organizations have described SOLJA elections democratic, transparent and timely. The journalists across regions congratulated themselves for having peaceful elections and congratulate the new board of directors and urged to feel responsible   and become good representation.

Yahye Mohamed “Xanas”

SOLJA Executive Director

In the past 27 years, Somaliland managed to display an enviable measure of peace and stability. It has been pointed out as an oasis of stability in a chaotic region.  Somaliland has been a member of UNPO since 2004 and currently, the international community deals with Somaliland as De facto state lacking only international recognition but has qualified for all conditions related to the international recognition. It is known that Somaliland shares its borders with Djibouti to the West, Ethiopia to the South, Somalia to the East and the Gulf of Aden to the North with a coastline of 850,800 km.  This is a territory of the former British Protectorate whose borders were established by international treaties between 1888 and 1897.

Declaring its independence in 1991, Somaliland initiated a political dialogue with Somalia in 2012 with a view to clarifying their future relationship, but the talks collapsed in 2015 after the federal government failed to carry out what has been agreed and showed a deficiency of good faith and still insisting on the unity of greater Somalia while Somaliland is seeking a recognition from the neighboring countries.   

Following the peaceful Presidential election in Somaliland last year, the Somalia’s federal government is using new political tactics to create instability in Somaliland where it sent its federal minister of planning to the eastern districts of Sanaag region, which Puntland claims but belong to Somaliland. The last visit of federal minister to Somaliland territory is a signal of a political intervention for which the Mogadishu administration is conspiring on Somaliland’s political stability in the region.

This is really sparking Somaliland’s patience over Somalia aggression that Somalia is not happy with the Somaliland transition for the democratic election that made the eyes of the world to be on Somaliland and realize the fact of peaceful democratic election was done in a way for which Somalilanders deserve to be recognized and respected, but is should not worth to be paralyzed.  Somalilanders will never accept any political intervention from Farmajo administration.  The new government is elected to defend the country at any enemy when and where it comes because now president Farmajo wants to show the world not to recognize Somaliland due to the developments being done by our country.

In my point of view, the deterioration of this political situation along the Puntland-Somaliland border can be attributed to the absence of social services in the areas.  The new government of Somaliland should engages in carrying out social projects to the far eastern districts of Sool and Sanaag regions, so that the local communities will be tied to Somaliland development process. If not offered full attention the federal government will benefit the absence of Social services in those areas.  I do believe that the political situation in the disputed regions can be altered if those residents in the areas receive tangible social services from the government of Somaliland; otherwise, they may impress any politician’s interest from Somalia government even if he is a citizen from residence.  

The tour of federal minister to eastern districts in Sanaag region will only cause a full destruction of the talks between the two sides since the current Mogadishu administration is not loyal to the political dialogue to succeed. Let me say, the time of the greater Somalia has left out and nothing can be done to destabilize Somaliland security.  I call the president and his government to take tough action against Somalia’s interference to Somaliland as the political tension has been high for the past several days following the visit of Jamal Mohamed Hassan originally from Sanaag region but works with Somalia came to the region Sanaag on the last Tuesday which embarked a sharp reaction from Somaliland.

According to the Somaliland’s Minister of Defense Esse Ahmed issued a statement underlining that Somaliland is committed to defend its sovereignty while keeping their borders open.  The defense minister who is also from that residence in the disputed parts of eastern region has downgraded the visit of the planning minister and that it will not have a major political significance as he visited small towns including Badhan district. On Contrary, Somalilanders expressed a disappointment with current tactics used by the federal government to send ministers hailed from Sanaag region to far districts of Somaliland to show the world that Somaliland still belongs to Somalia but this cannot be accepted and will further instigate unrest in a region which is plagued by hostilities. The government of Somaliland should put its military troops on alert and defend its borders from any aggression.

Why Somalia is doing so, is that Somaliland has achieved a relatively significant degree of progress in certain social and economic areas rather than Somalia.  We should know that the federal government is now using political diplomacy to create chaos in order to halt Somaliland recognition following the 2017 peaceful and transparent presidential election and peaceful transfer of power which have been highly appreciated by the international community.

Muse Jeeh is a freelance writer based in Hargeisa, Somaliland. He can be reached at Majeex2004@hotmail.com

Fearing for its water security, Egypt has called for the World Bank to arbitrate on the sensitive issue of the massive dam Ethiopia is building on the Nile River as the stalemate over technical talks continues.

The Egyptian foreign ministry issued the call during talks in Addis Ababa between its foreign minister Sameh Shoukry and his Ethiopian counterpart Workneh Gebeyehu last week on 27 December.

“Shoukry stressed the sensitivity of Egypt’s water security and that it cannot rely on mere promises and remarks of good faith,” said a statement by foreign ministry spokesman Ahmed Abu Zeid, reports pan-Arabic newspaper Asharq Al-Awsat.

The call came as the two countries prepare for a face to face meeting this month between Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn (pictured).

Relations are tense after negotiations among Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan broke down in November over how to conduct technical studies on the impact on downstream countries of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), a 6GW hydroelectric scheme Ethiopia is building on the Blue Nile.

At the time Egypt accused Ethiopia and Sudan, which backs the dam, of trying to direct the studies in a way that would downplay negative effects on the Nile’s flow to Egypt.

In their meeting last week foreign minister Shoukry urged Ethiopia to honour the principles of an earlier cooperation agreement on the dam.

Diplomatic efforts are ongoing. While in Ethiopia, Shoukry met with Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to discuss preparations for Desalegn’s visit to Egypt at some point this month.

As its name suggests, GERD, set to be Africa’s biggest dam, is a project of supreme national importance to Ethiopia.

Now more than half built by Italian contractor Salini Impregilo, the hydroelectric plant will have an installed capacity of 6,000 MW – more than double Ethiopia’s current generating capacity – and is central to Ethiopia’s plan to be a net power exporter to the electricity-starved continent.

Construction began in early 2011 as Egypt was convulsed by its January revolution. Since then, fearing for its water security, Egypt has strongly opposed the dam, with concerns over the possibility of the conflict escalating to violence emerging in 2013.

Since then, without relinquishing its concerns, Egypt has acquiesced in principle to Ethiopia’s right to build GERD.

In March 2015 Egypt’s President Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi and his counterparts from Ethiopia and Sudan signed a cooperation deal on the principles of sharing the Nile River water and the construction of the GERD. Then in September 2016 Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia agreed that French consultants BRL and Artelia would carry out studies on GERD’s impact on the flow of the Nile.

However, negotiations held 11-12 November in Cairo between the three parties broke down over the studies, with Egypt’s water minister accusing Sudan and Ethiopia of trying to direct them in a way that would “render them useless”, reported Middle East news site Al-Monitor.

Global Construction

Wealth is power. And wealth is what all people like to have. It is what all people need today and will need tomorrow. There is no human who is not wealth-oriented, big or small; it all counts.

Wealth and power are the motivators of almost all people. The combination of wealth and power is what gets people started, and when people start to make a move, things change for better or worse.

There is a wealth that all people in this country deserve to share, a prosperity that neither law nor authority can deprive of any citizen. The prosperity that Somaliland people share is probably the balance of power. It is where, if intentionally denied, conflict of interest and clashes of ideas begin. It is what can pull Somaliland togather and what can basically pull it apart.

Government positions represent as national resources allocation points. They are the pipeline that quenches the demands, requirements and needs of all people. They are the shelter that gives its shade to everybody, rich or poor. Government political posts are the pivotal places where all people not only take refuge when there is adversity, but where to pledge whenever a feel for inquality arises.

Power sharing is meant to restore balance of power among Somaliland tribes in order to prevent any one entity from becoming too strong and, thus gaining the ability to enforce its will upon the rest.

The distribution of power in Somaliland is not based on the existing political party lines. Nor it is based on rainbow-coalition affiliations. It is based on tribal lines. For Somaliland is built on tribal bases. Its politics is tribal and not ideology-based platform. Somaliland political parties are neither republicans nor democrats. This is the reality on the ground, on the picture that comes upfront, on all the scenes behind the curtains. We may have different ideas and different motives but not different realities in Somaliland. For this reason, no tribe is ready to lose its share in government positions, be they public or political.

This is the common aspect of political tribal realism, where self-preservation is a primary guiding principle. No one, regardless of who one is, what position he holds, and which clan he hails from, can be blind to it at any rate.

That said, the question remains: how to strike the balance between fair and unfair in this mixed-up world — in this coalition-led Somaliland current afministration — one block blessed and the other cursed — with instant communication? Should we fight fire with fire, threats with threats?

Solutions, which fit in that frame, are likely to come if Colonel Muse Biixi and Colonel Mohamed Kahin should not take immediate review on how they have structured their administration. The government they formed, is one that is loaded from one side, a government whose largest fruits and shared prosperity sound to be planned to go to the “Rainbow coalition.”

The central point behind this is that certain clans, especially those that united in the rainbow coalition, must always have the largest privileges and benefits of all Somaliland national resources and all others play the marbles. The fact that the most powerful and beneficial ministeries went to the rainbow coalition affiliations explains the clarity to undermine the common interests. It shows that the collusion of Garadag and the gospel of Burco meeting are still underway and effectively working as planned.

We all from East and South Hargeisa communities see a series of unjust and unfair moves in this current administration. The bitter move is that Muse Biixi did not give our stake in his administration. This cannot be right and cannot be acceptable. We therefore demand our stake in the government from Muse Biixi. What we demand is what is rightfully ours.

By: Jama Falaag
jamafalaag@gmail.com

Hargeisa, Somaliland

By Ahmed Abdi 

The Trump ally and notorious dirty trickster has a new, interesting, and somewhat dark influence-peddling assignment.

Veteran Republican operative and self-described “ratfucker” Roger Stone is advocating for military operations, including drone strikes, in Somalia on behalf of his first lobbying client in 17 years.

Stone recently disclosed that he had done lobbying work for a Buffalo-area company that acts as a middleman for the sale of African livestock to clients around the world. In his disclosure form, he formally said that he is pressing for “commodity rights and security” in Somalia and working on issues related to economic policy and commodity trading.

But in text messages with The Daily Beast, Stone suggested that his work for the company—investment firm Capstone Financial Group—has focused on U.S. military and foreign policy as well.

The goal, he said, is to achieve a more stable security situation in Somalia that will allow his client to more freely conduct business in that country. And that, he said, calls for an aggressive U.S. military posture.

“Capstone interests are in stability. Their business interests in the county can not be realized [if] the country is war torn,” Stone said. “The Al Queda off-shoot [sic] Al Shabaab is quite violent and deadly. The topography of Somalia unlike Afghanistan lends itself to a successful drone based US campaign against the insurgency.”

Despite a rich history in electoral politics and the influence industry, Stone hasn’t registered to lobby the federal government since 2000 when he represented the company of his longtime confidante and future president, one Donald Trump. Stone’s work for Capstone began in May 2017, as the Trump administration stepped up U.S military operations in Somalia, including a major escalation in drone strikes against insurgent groups in the country. The number of U.S. troops in Somalia has more than doubled to over 500 since Trump took office.

That lobbying itself was sparse, Stone said. It consisted only of “casual conversation on two occasions with a single member of Congress about the status of the insurgency and the security of Somalia.” Stone declined to specify which member of Congress with whom he spoke. But the offices of Reps. Chris Collins (R-NY) and Brian Higgins (D-NY), who represent the area of Buffalo/Western New York where Capstone is based, both denied that they had been lobbied by Stone.

Capstone and its chief executive, a prominent investor and Hillary Clinton donor named Darin Pastor, did not respond to multiple requests for comment. But the firm’s filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission suggest that it has significant business interests in Somalia.

In late 2016, it inked multiple deals with unidentified suppliers to sell sheep and cattle to customers in countries including the gulf nation of Oman. Though it redacted the names of its suppliers, the filings mentioned they were based in Africa, and one in particular suggested a Somali seller by alluding to the drought that ravaged the country from 2015 until last year.

“Investors should be aware that the opportunities we are pursuing in the livestock trading and minerals industries tend to be exceptionally high-risk,” the company said in a filing in late 2016.

Capstone seems to be an obscure client for an operative with Stone’s high profile. But the company also has interesting geographic ties. Somalia’s current president, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, lived in the Buffalo area, and worked for New York state government, before returning to his native country to run for the office he now occupies.

Cranbury, N.J. – Jan 3, 2017 – The recently completed presidential election in Somaliland was the world’s first to use iris recognition to create a voter registration list and remove duplicate names from the rolls. The iris-based biometric technology, from Iris ID, helped ensure a free and fair election, so important for the autonomous state to gain the international recognition it seeks.

A 60-member team of international observers, representing 27 countries, certified the November election as free and fair – a change from previous elections in which duplicate registrations led to questions about the legitimacy of the results. Somaliland, located on the Horn of Africa, declared its independence from Somalia in 1991.

“In a world-first, these elections employed pioneering iris-recognition technology to register and identify voters, which is a testament to Somaliland’s commitment to its resources in democratic institutions and the rule of law,” said the new president, Muse Bihi Abdi, in a column for the Financial Times.

Somaliland’s National Electoral Commission reported an 80 percent turnout for the election.

The NEC spent several years preparing for the vote, including the process of choosing a biometric technology to register citizens. Commission members wanted a system capable of noting those registering more than once. Both fingerprint facial recognition systems failed to recognize many duplicate registrations in the program’s early stages.

At the recommendation of international election consultants, the commission tried an iris-based system. In a trial project, the Iris ID technology was able to accurately recognize all 457 instances of duplicates seeded into a base of 1,062 registrations. Experts estimate as many as 30,000 duplicates were identified during the countrywide registration. De-duplication was possible using Iris ID software which compared the high-quality biometric data from the iris scans.

Enrollment speed also worked in Iris ID’s favor. Roy Dalle Vedove, a prominent international elections specialist and NEC consultant, said the iris-based system was not only more accurate than fingerprint technology, but also cut the time needed to register a voter in half.

“The fingerprint technology slowed the process, resulting in long lines of people wanting to resister,” he said. “As a result, registration officials were inclined to circumvent controls to speed the process.”

After selecting the Iris ID technology, the NEC and purchased 350 portable registration kits consisting of a laptop computer, handheld iris scanner, webcam for facial photos, a flash and tripod. Registration stations were set up across the country – many in remote rural areas.  Once approved, citizens received a temporary certificate until their national voter card was processed.

Somaliland is now set to become a regional powerhouse in the production and deployment of the technological know-how that underpins electronic voting, wrote Calestous Juma in South Africa’s Mail & Guardiannewspaper. Juma is a professor of the Practice of International Development at the Harvard Kennedy School, Harvard University.

“Somaliland’s application in improving governance is the tip of the iceberg,” he wrote. “It creates exciting possibilities for the continent to provide leadership in other areas of technological advancement.”

Mohammed Murad, vice president global sales and business development for Iris ID, said he expects the success in Somaliland to spur the use of iris-based voter registration system in other countries.

“The Iris ID system provided Somaliland with the most sophisticated voter registration system in Africa – really anywhere in the world,” he said.

About Iris ID Systems Inc.

Iris ID Systems Inc. has pioneered iris recognition research, development and production since 1997. IrisAccess®, now in its sixth generation, authenticates the identities of millions of people in thousands of locations on six continents. More organizations rely on IrisAccess identity authentication than all other iris recognition products combined. Iris ID’s expertise and Advanced Identity Authentication helps add security, convenience, privacy and productivity to any enterprise operation. For more information, www.irisid.com.

#    #    #

Company         Mohammed Murad

Contact:           Vice President, Global Business Development and Sales

609-819-4747

murad@irisid.com

Media              Jon Daum

Contact:           Daum Weigle Inc.

858-538-9755

jdaum@daumweigle.com

The State Department has added three commanders from al Qaeda’s branches in Yemen, Somalia, and North Africa to the US government’s list of specially designated global terrorists.

One of the jihadists is responsible for planning the Mar. 2015 Bardo Museum attack in Tunis, according to Foggy Bottom. Another serves as Shabaab’s deputy emir.

State listed the three al Qaeda figures as Wanas al-Faqih from al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Abukar Ali Adan from Shabaab (al Qaeda’s branch in East Africa), and Muhammad Al Ghazali from al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). The three al Qaeda branches wage insurgencies in their respective regions while continuing to plot terrorist attacks elsewhere, including against Western interests.

Wanas al-Faqih

Al-Faqih “is an AQIM associate who planned the March 18, 2015 Bardo Museum attack in Tunis, Tunisia that killed at least 20 people,” State says.

The US government’s decision to finger al-Faqih for the Bardo Museum massacre is noteworthy, as there has been some confusion concerning responsibility for the operation.

The Islamic State quickly claimed responsibility for the murders.

The eighth issue of the group’s Dabiq magazine provided a brief overview of the plot. Dabiq’s editors wrote that a pair of Tunisian jihadists “were sent on their mission after having trained with their brothers in Libya and having declared their bay’ah [oath of allegiance]” to Abu Bakr al Baghdadi’s self-declared caliphate. “They returned to Tunisia, bravely advanced towards the security quarter in Tunis, entered the museum – located across from the Tunisian parliament – and poured terror on the kuffār inside, killing more than 20 of them and injuring a dozen others,” Dabiq’s editors added. That same issue of the group’s propaganda rag included an interview with Boubaker al-Hakim, a veteran jihadist who was implicated in high-profile assassinations inside Tunisia. Al-Hakim praised the Bardo gunmenand called on Islamic State supporters to follow in their footsteps.

In Feb. 2016, the US targeted Noureddine Chouchane, a Tunisian, in an airstrike in Libya. Chouchane was an Islamic State facilitator who shuttled fighters between North Africa and elsewhere. The Tunisian government had identified Chouchane as a suspect in the assault on Bardo Museum.

However, Tunisian authorities also blamed members of the Uqba bin Nafi Battalion, a wing of AQIM, for the Bardo slayings. Al-Faqih has long had ties to the group. In Apr. 2015, for instance, al-Faqih eulogized Uqba bin Nafi Battalion leader Lokman Abu Sakhr, swearing that the Tunisian jihad would outlive Sakhr. Tunisian officials had implicated Sakhr in the Bardo killings as well. In separate messages, al-Faqih has also called for additional attacks inside Tunisia.

The Islamic State poached members from AQIM and its front groups in order to swell its ranks in North Africa. So, it is possible that the Bardo Museum terrorists were initially part of AQIM and its Uqba bin Nafi Battalion, but decided to defect to Baghdadi’s cause.

Abukar Ali Adan

State described Adan as the “deputy leader of al-Shabaab” but provided no other details on him. Research by FDD’s Long War Journal shows that Adan fits the profile of a rising star in al Qaeda’s East African branch.

Adan’s career can be traced back to Mar. 2010, when he was identified in a Reuters report as Shabaab’s “chairman” along the border with Kenya. In May of that same year, he was reported to be Shabaab’s leader for the southern city of Kismayo. At that time, Kismayo was controlled by Shabaab and was a central hub for the jihadists’ economic and military operations in southern Somalia.

As the emir for Kismayo, Adan wielded significant power, which he used to recruit and expand Shabaab’s footprint. In Dec. 2011, Adan said that teachers and students were obligated to participate in Shabaab’s jihad against the government and the West.

Adan continued to rise within the ranks of Shabaab’s top leadership. In July 2012, a BBC Monitoringreport identified Adan as the emir of the Lower and Middle Juba regions, the two southernmost provinces in Somalia where Shabaab’s insurgency has been anchored. He answered directly to Sheikh Godane, Shabaab’s previous emir, at the time.

By 2014, Adan had entered Shabaab’s top leadership circle. According to the International Crisis Group, Adan served as the “overall Al-Shabaab military/militia head.” As the head of its military, Adan would be one of the most powerful figures within Shabaab. Traditionally, Shabaab’s military emir also serves as the group’s deputy emir.

Muhammad Al Ghazali

State also provided few details on Ghazali. He is described as “a senior member of AQAP who is involved in internal security and training of the group’s operatives.”

As a leader within AQAP’s internal security branch, Ghazali would be involved in rooting out “spies,” as well as suppressing dissent from rival jihadist groups such as the Islamic State.

Bill Roggio is a Senior Fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and the Editor of FDD’s Long War Journal. Thomas Joscelyn is a Senior Fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and the Senior Editor for FDD’s Long War Journal.

Embarkation of beneficiaries. Photo: UN Migration Agency (IOM)

Aden – During the final days of 2017, IOM, the UN Migration Agency succeeded in completing two movements of stranded Somalis and Ethiopians out of Yemen, despite immense security challenges and difficult sea conditions. Two boats were deployed, one headed to Aden to evacuate Somali refugees, while the other went to Hudaydah to evacuate Ethiopians, who were considered especially vulnerable due to the dangers of rising violence near that port city.

The 27 December operation was the 19th assisted voluntary humanitarian return conducted by IOM out of the city of Aden sea port, taking 138 Somali men, women and children home in cooperation with UNHCR. With this final movement in 2017, IOM Yemen helped a total of 2,241 Somali refugees through its sub-office in Aden. The total number of Ethiopian migrants helped return home through Hudaydah seaport via Djibouti reached 746 people during 2017.

It took several attempts to move a second group, some 71 Ethiopians, all occurring within days of the Somali movement. Complications beyond the control of IOM delayed the movement until 31 December but at 4:30 PM on New Year’s Eve, an IOM boat successfully left for Djibouti.

The next morning (1/01/2018), maritime authorities informed IOM that heavy waves near Djibouti would prevent the continuation of the voyage, forcing IOM’s vessel to return to international waters near Yemen. Later that afternoon, authorities informed IOM its boat could set back on its course, ending what had become a long ordeal.

“It was very challenging to conduct movements out of Hudaydah seaport due to the security threats that are present in Yemen’s northern Governorates. Those require us to liaise with different counterparts and authorities as well as the coalitions,” said Hanan Hajori, of IOM Yemen’s Assistance and Protection unit in the Hudaydah sub-office.

Without such permission, return assistance might not happen. In addition, due to rough seas and weather a number of movements had to be cancelled several times. “At the end, migrants in Hudaydah were taken out safely despite of all these challenges,” Hajori added.

While most UN agencies deal with the challenges that come with shortages in funding, IOM Yemen’s additional concern lies in the paramount issue of the safety of migrants and refugees while they are in IOM’s care.

Providing food, shelter and medical assistance are key aspects of IOM’s operations. IOM must also deal with complex security situations and volatile changes on the ground that can derail weeks of preparations in a matter of seconds. Keeping up with a heavy demand for operational efficiency as well as psychosocial efforts to lift the spirits of the people under IOM care requires working day and night to effectively help migrants so they may reach their final destination safely.

“This process usually takes from five to six hours, if everything is going smoothly,” said Rabih Sarieddine, an IOM official directing the sea-borne operations. “Nevertheless, on many occasions, the movement can be delayed for hours due to security matters, such as poor coordination between the security cells on the ground and the coalition, or due to lack of resources at a port, say, where a captain isn’t available.”

None of these are easy passages. Embarkation at a collection/transit centre generally starts in the early morning hours before buses can move to a port. There, beneficiaries go through security and immigration checks, after which the IOM team begins assisting beneficiaries onto their vessel.

A journey from Aden to Berbera typically takes between 12 and 15 hours, depending on the sea conditions, Sarieddine explained.

Former Somaliland Minister of economy H.E Omar Shucayb believes politics is not the only source of income and his now busy with his new life as farmer.

HARGEISA— President of Somaliland, Hon. Musa Bihi this week is due to embark first foreign tour after taking office in December, to Djibouti.

According to information close to the presidency confirm that the Head of State has received an official invitation from Djibouti counterpart, His Excellency, Ismail Omar Gueleh. The current foreign affairs minister and the minister for justice are due to travel the president to Djibouti. Djibouti is said to have played a key role in the presidential election campaign held in Somaliland last year where the ruling Kulmiye party presidential candidate, the incumbent president defeated his main rival, the former parliament speaker, Abdirahman Irro by landslide victory. The president’s visit to Djibouti aims at further enhancing bilateral ties between the two countries. The high-profile visit will boost cooperation between the two countries in several sectors including trade, combat terrorism and piracy in the region. Somaliland President, Musa is to hold bilateral discussions with Djibouti counterpart, Ismail Omar to boost the bilateral relations. Djibouti does not recognize Somaliland as an independent state but sticks on its declaration that Somaliland is still part of Somalia. It is not known for how long is the visit going to take as far as President, Musa’s visit to Djibouti is concerned. The Head of State has received Djiboutian representative to Somaliland at the presidency a couple of days ago.

Somali government officials are expected to attend the opening ceremony of the largest Turkish meletary base in Mogadishu.
The Turkish military commander arrived in Mogadishu Yesterday and is also expected to attend the opening Ceremony of the new Turkish Meletary base in Somalia.
The opening ceremony will also attent the Somalia soldeirs officails, and this base will be training the Somali National Army (SNA).
The station is located in the Jazeera beach neighborhood of Mogadishu.
The base of the station started in 2015 and built over $ 50 million.
The station is built as a modern, and there are military schools equipment with Somali army forces.

Late last year, the Turkish authorities opened their largest military base abroad in the Somali capital Mogadishu as a step towards consolidating ties with Somalia and establishing a presence in East Africa. Since then they have been seeking a military base in Sudan as the second Turkish base in Africa.

Turkey signed an agreement with Sudan at a joint press conference in Khartoum this week at the end of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s three-day visit to Sudan. The agreement allows Turkey a military presence on the Red Sea in Sudanese territorial waters.

Sudan is also leasing the Red Sea Suakin Island to Turkey, according to the new deal.

Urgency has been added to Turkey’s push into Africa as the UAE, one of Ankara’s regional foes, is increasing its own military presence on the continent.

The Turkish military base in Somalia is supposed to contain three military schools and other buildings, and Turkish officers are supposed to train more than 10,000 Somali troops at the base.

Mohamed Abdel-Kader Khalil, editor of the Turkish Affairs magazine, said that “the Turkish choice of Somalia was not random but was based on several reasons. Somalia has an important coastline and is a main entrance to the Red Sea. It is free of any other military bases, giving the Turks a relatively free hand in Mogadishu.”

African specialist Hani Raslan said that “the opening of the base is the culmination of a long process and plans set in action many years ago. Turkey started its push into Africa in 2002 from an economic perspective and then moved to a political and a security role.”

“This has made Turkey one of the most important actors in the Horn of Africa and East Africa region. The Turkish moves are also not limited to Somalia, but include Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya. The Turks have also tried to build relations with Eritrea, but they have not been welcomed in Asmara,” he said.

Sub-Saharan Africa is seeing an impressive surge in growth and urbanisation, and it has abundant natural and human resources. The continent recorded an annual average growth rate of five per cent over the last decade and is expected to continue this trend in the coming years. Six out of the 10 fastest-growing economies in the world are now in Africa.

Turkey’s Trade and Economic Enhancement Strategy towards Africa lies behind the growth in Turkey’s bilateral relations with the African countries since 2003, when an economic boom in Turkey was accompanied by a renewed interested in Africa and a desire to grow trade volumes between Africa and Turkey.

Trade tripled in value to $16.7 billion in 2016 from $5.4 billion in 2003. The strategy was updated during the Turkey-Africa Partnership Summit in Equatorial Guinea in 2014, and its objectives have been modified to increase Turkish investment in Africa.

Relations between Turkey and the African continent constitute one of the prime orientations of Turkish foreign policy. In 2013, Turkey gave a further boost to its policies in Africa, turning them into a reinforced political-economic partnership. “If we were to think of any one country that should be present in Africa, that country would be Turkey,” commented Ahmed Kavas, a former Turkish ambassador to Chad.

According to a study by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a US think tank, the role of Turkish soft power was emphasised when Erdogan’s AKP Party government began its push into Africa in 2005 and particularly Eastern and Southern Africa.

Educational institutions associated with controversial and now exiled Turkish preacher Fethullah Gulen were used to spearhead the Turkish push, only backfiring when Gulen fell out with Erdogan and the AKP.

However, the Gulen Movement is now firmly entrenched in countries such as Tanzania, Kenya, Mozambique and South Africa. Ankara has had to resort to a mixture of coaxing and threats to get African governments to shutter Gulen-funded or Gulen-run schools on the continent.

It has been looking to counter these by increasing the number of Turkish government-approved institutions in Africa, both aid-related and educational, and an initiative has been launched to encourage Turkish student volunteers to engage in aid and development projects in 18 African countries.

Turkish universities are also providing scholarships to African students. The hope is that these will benefit Turkey in the future when the students rise to positions of influence in their countries.

In 2009, there were only 12 Turkish embassies in Africa, five of them in North Africa. There are now 39. There is also a growing number of African embassies in Ankara, now standing at 32 and up from 10 some years ago. Guinea Bissau, Cameroon, Tanzania and Mozambique are all planning to open embassies in Ankara.

Of Turkish development assistance to Africa, Khalil said that “Turkey’s approach is based on a combination of humanitarian and development assistance. Turkey has been providing substantial numbers of scholarships to African students. Between 1991 and 2014, the total numbers of scholarships was 4,380, but this has been substantially increased, and in 2015-16 Turkey provided 1,239 scholarships for students from Africa.”

“In addition to technical training programmes undertaken by different ministries and institutions, around 200 junior diplomats have attended the International Young Diplomats Programme” organised by Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs since 1992. “The Programme also organises exclusive training programmes for individual African countries like Somalia, Madagascar, South Sudan, Sudan, Kenya, Nigeria and Namibia,” Khalil said.

 “In the development context, Ankara has taken an active role in settling the conflict in Somalia. It hosted the Istanbul Conference under the auspices of the United Nations in May 2010, which resulted in the Istanbul Declaration as a road map for settling the conflict,” he added.

According to Raslan, “Turkey has chosen to become involved in reconstruction and relief work in Africa. In Somalia, it started with the reconstruction of the Mogadishu port and parliament and built about 10,000 housing units and a large hospital equipped with the latest equipment.”

The Turkish construction industry has been one of the major drivers of Turkish economic growth in recent years, and it was dealt severe blows after losing lucrative markets in North Africa, the Middle East and Russia as a result of various crises.

In line with its increased diplomatic presence in Africa, Turkey has opened commercial consulates in 26 African capitals. The Turkish Foreign Economic Relations Council has established business councils in 19 Sub-Saharan African countries. Turkey has signed trade and economic cooperation agreements with 38 African countries, in line with efforts to establish a sound contractual basis for mutual economic relations.

Turkey attaches importance to peace and stability in Africa and contributes to United Nations missions deployed on the continent. It is currently providing personnel and contributing financially to seven of the existing nine UN peace-keeping missions in Africa.

Turkey has been providing training to military personnel from African countries, and these have increased significantly in recent years, with 570 trainees received in Turkey in 2015.

Khalil commented that “the beginning of the Turkish interest in Somalia was through the idea of training the Somalis. Then it developed into a military base on a 400 hectare site in parallel to security agreements with Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia. The opening of the Turkish military base in Somalia comes in the same framework that aims to promote Turkish influence in Africa.”

“The establishment of the base indicates Turkish objectives in an area that has extreme political, military, security and economic importance. Turkey is imposing itself as a powerful force in the strategic balance of the security of the Red Sea and the Straits of Bab Al-Mandab and in the Gulf of Aden, which is especially important for Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Sudan.”

 “Turkey also aims to find markets for its military industries on the African continent, aiming to increase its economic and trade exchanges and to expand its influence in this region at the expense of the Arab states,” Raslan said.

Turkish Airlines, the country’s flag carrier, has played an important role in helping Turkey’s expansion into Africa. The airline flies to 51 destinations on the continent, more than any other international airline.

But there has been a dark side to this vast African network, as the EU has reportedly quietly been using Turkish Airlines flights to forcibly return African migrants to their countries of origin. The forced returns are being made under the re-admission agreement signed between Brussels and Ankara in 2013, which allows the EU to send migrants back to Turkey for deportation.

According to Raslan, the Turkish push into Africa should “draw our attention to the importance of allocating our own national security resources through long-term plans. Otherwise, we will miss out on developments elsewhere and will remain the prisoners of inward-looking movements and speeches that do not produce anything.”

Ahram

HARGEISA-– A delegate led by Somaliland president, Col. Musa Bihi Abdi has on Saturday embarked first state official visit to Djibouti. Mr. Musa Bihi has received an official invitation from Djibouti President, Ismail Omar.

This foreign visit that the president left for Djibouti is the first eversince his assumption to the presidency. Mr. Bihi is scheduled to hold meeting with President Ismail Omar to discuss wide range of issues, mainly boosting the bilateral cooperation between the two countries, security and development.

The following Somaliland Officials are traveling with the president to Djibouti.

1. Dr. Sa’ad Ali Shire, Foreign affairs minister
2. Mr. Yasin Mohamud Xiir aka Faraton, Education minister
3. Mr. Abdikani Mohamoud Ataye, Justice minister
4. General Brigadier, Abdilahi Fadal Iman,Police Commissioner
5. Head of Somaliland Coast Guards, Abdi Hirsi Duale

Two reporters from Somaliland’s State run media are also part of the president’s entourage to Djibouti. Djibouti, a tiny state in the Horn of Africa does not recognize Somaliland’s secession efforts but maintains its stance that it is part and parcel of Somalia. Somaliland, Djibouti share land and sea borders and could strengthen bilateral ties on areas of security and development.

Somaliland has conducted a biometric presidential election using Iris ID tech.

The presidential election in Somaliland was the world’s first to use iris recognition to create a voter registration list and remove duplicate names from the rolls.

The firm has said that the iris-based biometric technology, from Iris ID, helped ensure a free and fair election, so important for the autonomous state to gain the international recognition it seeks.

A 60-member team of international observers, representing 27 countries, certified the November election as free and fair – a change from previous elections in which duplicate registrations led to questions about the legitimacy of the results. Somaliland, located on the Horn of Africa, declared its independence from Somalia in 1991.

“In a world-first, these elections employed pioneering iris-recognition technology to register and identify voters, which is a testament to Somaliland’s commitment to its resources in democratic institutions and the rule of law,” said the new president, Muse Bihi Abdi, in a column for the Financial Times.

Somaliland’s National Electoral Commission reported an 80 percent turnout for the election.

The NEC spent several years preparing for the vote, including the process of choosing a biometric technology to register citizens. Commission members wanted a system capable of noting those registering more than once. Both fingerprint facial recognition systems failed to recognize many duplicate registrations in the program’s early stages.

At the recommendation of international election consultants, the commission tried an iris-based system. In a trial project, the Iris ID technology was able to accurately recognize all 457 instances of duplicates seeded into a base of 1,062 registrations. Experts estimate as many as 30,000 duplicates were identified during the countrywide registration. De-duplication was possible using Iris ID software which compared the high-quality biometric data from the iris scans.

Enrollment speed also worked in Iris ID’s favor. Roy Dalle Vedove, a prominent international elections specialist and NEC consultant, said the iris-based system was not only more accurate than fingerprint technology, but also cut the time needed to register a voter in half.

“The fingerprint technology slowed the process, resulting in long lines of people wanting to resister,” he said. “As a result, registration officials were inclined to circumvent controls to speed the process.”

After selecting the Iris ID technology, the NEC and purchased 350 portable registration kits consisting of a laptop computer, handheld iris scanner, webcam for facial photos, a flash and tripod. Registration stations were set up across the country – many in remote rural areas.  Once approved, citizens received a temporary certificate until their national voter card was processed.

Mohammed Murad, vice president global sales and business development for Iris ID, said he expects the success in Somaliland to spur the use of iris-based voter registration system in other countries.

“The Iris ID system provided Somaliland with the most sophisticated voter registration system in Africa – really anywhere in the world,” he said.

Biometric Update

Despite the serious concerns articulated in many forms, including in poetic styles, the government did not address them the issues and the Somaliland politicians were unable to rectify the distorted situation. But the widespread dissent and injustices paved grounds for the rise dissidence.

A practical show of the rejection of the unification presented itself when a group of junior military officers of Somaliland origin attempted a military coup. Fresh from British and Egyptian military academies and colleges, the junior officers joined the Somaliland Scouts, they were indeed ingenious to evaluate to evaluate the political situation. They immediately became disenchanted with the system and the union state. They faced direct discrimination and injustices within the military force. They rightly predicted the distorted road Somaliland was set. They were young innocent officers who had no taste for power yet.

Just before the instatement of the union, in Italian Somalia, there was a frantic race and a mad rush for promotions among the armed forces. There was a wholesale officer promotions open only for the officers in the South. The officers of the Somaliland Scouts regiment of the Somaliland protectorate were not involved in the commotion and mayhem of that matter. The officers from the South before union were all from the Police force (there was no military force in Italian-administered Somalia). Contrarily, however, in Somaliland there was a well-trained Somaliland Scouts military regiment. Most of the Its junior officers were graduates from distinguished top military academies in Britain such as Sandhurst and Mono as well as Egypt. At the time of unification, besides the well-trained army, the Somaliland Scouts of about 2000 strong. Somaliland also had its police force.

Just before union, in Italian Somalia many of the police officers were transferred to form a new military force even though they had no military experience and training at all. According to Abdillahi Aden ‘Congo’ and Awil Ali Duale (two of the few members of the aborted coup in 1961 to be discussed) most of the officers in south were promoted twice. Firstly they were promoted when Somaliland independence was declared on 26 June 1960. For example, those with the ranks of Captains or Majors were promoted a rank up, i.e., dressing as Majors and Lieutenant Colonels respectively and again they were promoted another rank up when Italian Somalia became independent on 1 July 1960 as Lieutenant Colonels and colonels. Even the junior officers dressed two ranks up with some being promoted to seniors. There was plainly a mad rush for promotions. Whilst in Somalia such a scramble for higher ranks and generous bonus promotions were up for grabs, in Somaliland, owing to their loyalty, the officers from the Somaliland Scouts regiment and police did not take part, i.e., they did not make themselves promoted not even once.

In the first year of the union, some junior officers (Abdillahi Aden ‘Congo’, Awil Ali Duale and Abdillahi Said Abby) visited Mogadishu to meet up with the newly-appointed Military Commander, General Daud Abdulle Hersi and to make their complaints but the General did not listen to them.

General Hersi was a police officer of Italian Somalia. The General was the fourth in the rank of the police force in Somalia whilst General Mohamed Abshir was the highest in rank in the police force followed by General Mohamed Siad Barre and General Abdalla Sandhere as the third in rank of the police force. General Hersi showed no sympathy to the Somaliland junior officers’ in relation to their complaints.

Meanwhile, the government’s top posts of the government were dominated by people from Somalia. Allocations were based on clan system and not on merit. Representatives from the two major clans of Somalia were the candidates for major posts. General Mohamed Abshir and General Mohamed Siad Barre were from the same main lineage. The allocation of most important posts and portfolios involved taking turns between officers of the two main clans in Somalia (Hawiye and Darod). Abdillahi Aden Congo compares this act as a Somali children’s traditional riddle or game “ii Cug!, Cirka!’ (‘I Take this! You Take that!’) or ‘qaatay ee qaado’ (I got, you pick). Thus, taking turns was the default formula for power-sharing between the two main protagonist tribal actors.

Because of that game in play, General Siad Barre lost his seniority post. He was second in seniority after General Mohamed Abshir and expected to be allocated to the post of military commander. But nevertheless, since General Abshir was from the same clan as Barre was allocated the post Police Commander, the post of military commander was the turn of the major rival clan. So, therefore, it went to General Daud who was the fourth in the chain of seniority (Mohamed Siad Barre was, in fact, second the seniority after Mohamed Abshir and Abdalla Sandhere who was the third in seniority chain. Barre, a senior ahead of General Daud, was demoted to the Chief of Staff post of the Military simply because he belonged to the same clan as Mohamed Abshir. Barre was denied the post of Military Commander because of his clan affiliation to general Abshir. Siad Bare felt bitter injustices.

The Somaliland junior officers decided to plan a military coup the aim of which was to bring back the lost independent state of Somaliland so that Somaliland would be in a better position to correct the mistakes incurred during the unification and to eventually address the unforeseen consequential issues of injustices, marginalization and domination. They saw that only in that way would Somaliland be in a stronger position to make reasonable negotiations and adjustments should it wished to unite with Somalia.

In fact, it was only the Somaliland Scouts was still intact as an institution not yet touched with the quagmire of the politics. Immediately, after the union, almost all of the civil servants in Somaliland government offices were transferred in masses to the South. The Somaliland government in the North was dismantled and reduced to some fringe offices run by southerners and as a region with a governor. Such injustices were clearly sensed by the public in the North. The cardinal objective of the junior officers was to return Somaliland to back its independent status quo.

Who is who of the members of the coup?

The core group of the coup was initially composed of eleven officers though later increased to twenty-three. They were: 1.Hassan Abdillahi Walanwal (Hassan Kayd) (2-star lieutenant) (Buroa/Togdheer);2. Abdillahi Mohamed Aden (Abdillahi Congo) (2-star Leutenant) (Hargeisa);3. Muhumed Abdillahi Robleh (Muhumed Awr) (2-star lieutenant); (Sahil); the rest were one-star lieutenants: 4. Abdillahi Said Abby (aka as Gamadhere) (Hargeisa); 5. Said Ali Ghir (Las Anod); 6. Mohamed Mohamoud Said ‘Bidihleh (Hargeisa); 7. Mohamed Abdirahman Haji Jama (Lugooyo) (?); 8. Faisal Haji Jama Geddi (Buroa); 9. Awil Haji Ali Dualeh (Hargeisa); 10. Abdillahi Abdi Farah ‘Deyr’ (Hargeisa); 11. Daud Ali Yahye (Borama); 12. Hussein Mohamed Bullaleh (Hussein Dakhare) (Berbera); 13. Abdillahi Ahmed Kibar (Gabiley); 14. Mohamed Warsame (Borama); 15. Mohamed Mohamoud Raghe (Berbera); 16. Abdi Yusuf (Hargeisa); 17. Mohamed Sh Muse (Sheikh); 18. Ahmed Haji Deria (Buroa); 19. Ali Harun (Buroa); 20. Said Oogle (Buroa/Togdheer); 21. Abdi Dhala Abdi (Las Anod); 22. Abdikarim Ashur (Las Qoray); 23. Abdi Ali Hussein (Abdi Habashi) (Jigjiga)

Until today there is an archetypal myth – that those involved in the coup belonged to one clan. However, the truth of the matter is that they represented most of the clans and regions across Somaliland as they shared the same common feelings – the imbalance power, the injustices and inequalities in the military force and the way Somaliland independence was handled at the time. Therefore, the officers stood for a unique experience. Some senior officers who were not involved today express that the junior officers were young fresh graduates, inexperienced and understood no politics. I retain the opinion that the junior officers were right and they did it for that reasons and not for a search of power as seniors would have liked.

As retold by Abdillahi Aden and Awil Ali Duale (both of them members of the coup) the plan was to conduct the coup in two years’ time. But nonetheless, for internal technical reasons and for unforeseen circumstances, the coup took place earlier on 10^th December 1961. In earnest preparations, some officers already and immediately showed reluctance while others not even endorsed the idea. That brought suspicions among the coup planners and that they would foil the operation by disclosure of the movement of the groups. Therefore, a hasty decision had to be taken – the coup to occur well in advance of its planned timescale. The Commander of the Somaliland Scouts regiment, Colonel Mohamed Ainanshe, the late Colonel Abdillahi Yusuf and other officers from the South were detained on the day. Lieutenant Abdillahi Abdi Farah (Deyr) was posted to take control of the central police station and Lieutenant Mohamed Mohamoud Rage held Radio Hargeisa.

The plan was that detainees were to be kept afar from the scene of the operation, Hargeisa and Somaliland Scouts Headquarters. They were supposed to be kept at the Government rest house at Ga’an Libah Mountain, near Adadley. That did not happen as the officer who was assigned to the task did not execute the job as planned. Instead, they were kept at a private house owned by Abdillahi Darawal then resided by Awil Ali Duale, one of the coup plotters. The prisoners were under guard by Lieutenant Abdillahi Said Abby and private Abdillahi Ali Hussein.

The Somaliland scouts soldiers at Birjeex military base in Hargeisa missed their commander, Colonel Mohamed Ainanshe and other superiors. That itself raised suspicion and as soon as their whereabouts were sighted, the soldiers stormed the house. Gunfire was exchanged between Lieutenant Abdillahi Said Abby, the officer in charge of the detainees. Officer Abby and a companion, Ahmed Awad, were killed in the exchange of fire as they refused to give up and release the detainees. Hassan Kayd, a senior member of the coup was shot and injured in the knee walking by the gate of Birjeex Military HQ.

Within the same day, the coup was aborted. All officers in revolt were imprisoned overnight in Hargeisa but were immediately transferred to Mogadishu. The details of the conditions of the prison and how they were treated were exposed by the surviving individuals of the plotters.

The prisoners were taken into custody at a training camp known as ‘Botigo’ (later re-named as ‘Halane’) near Mogadishu. In the jail, they were badly and inhumanely treated in appalling conditions. After several months, they were then transferred to Mogadishu central prison (‘cella morta’ in Italian which means the ‘dead cell’). They were kept in the dark underground at the basement, tunneled under the Indian Ocean Sea. After languishing in jail for about a year and a half, private Indian-Kenyan lawyers were hired from Nairobi, Kenya for them and court proceedings started in Mogadishu. The proceedings of the trial at the court in Mogadishu began in July 1963. The judge was Mr. Hazelwood, a British from the court of Hargeisa in Somaliland oversaw the deliberations and the final verdict ruling with an Italian prosecutor. (St. Ricardo!!). The proceedings took nearly two months. Finally, the prisoners were cleared and acquitted. The verdict was ‘not guilty’. In fact, the judge declared no case at all. The debacle of the case at the court was determined by several reasons:

• That the officers were never sworn for a country called ‘Somali Republic’. The last time they swore, it was for the Queen of England for Britain.
• That the judgment was not to be brought under the constitution of a country called (Somali Republic). Instead, it should have been conducted under Somaliland state jurisdiction. Hence, to be judged under the Indian Penal code.

The only constitution available (that of Somalia) which was only effective at the time took precedence and the case was taken as a civilian case. Had the case been heard in a Somaliland court, it would have a criminal court and the prisoners would have been tried under the Somaliland legal instruments, i.e., the Indian Penal Code and they would have been court marshaled under the Somaliland Scouts military law. Therefore, article 6 of the Republic’s constitution directed that court marshaling of military officers was inapplicable so long as there was no war situation in the country. In Somaliland, the prisoners would have been convicted as guilty and concluded with a firing squad (death penalties).

The court case proved that the union with South was not void and non-existent and there were no binding document ratified bilaterally by the partners of the union. In fact, there was no Act of Union which was ratified as a legal binding contract between the two states.  Abdillahi Mohamed Aden (Congo), a senior officer member of the coup, affirms: “Had the court been in Hargeisa, we would have been court marshaled in accordance with the Somaliland Scouts regiment law. We would have surely been shot by a firing squad because we committed a treason crime against the State of Somaliland and not against a country called the Somali Republic for which we had never avowed or taken the oath for”.

Soon after the failed coup, punitive measures were taken by the government which was dominated and powered by the South. In the same month of the year 1961, another serious discontent surfaced. The SNL, a northern political party, noticeably expressed discontent and advocated boycott in the referendum.

Such episodes clearly constituted some of the early signs of discontent and disagreements as a result of political and administrative differences. They also acted as forms of expression and discontent by the people from the North within the union right from the start the civilian governments that came to power between 1960 and 1969 failed to address the problems and to find out solutions for the standing grievances of the northerners.

DJIBOUTI— Somaliland Delegation led by President, Musa Bihi Abdi receives a cordial reception upon arrival in Djibouti today. The President has been greeted at the airport by Djibouti’s foreign minister, Hon. Mohamed Yusuf Haji. Hon. Bihi met with President of Djibouti, Ismail Omar Gueleh in Djibouti.

DJIBOUTI–President Musa Bihi Abdi, who arrived in Djibouti on Saturday on his first state visit, took the salute at the guard of honor given to him at the airport in Djibouti. Somaliland President was received at the airport by his Djiboutian counterpart, Ismail Omar Geuleh. The President, Hon. Musa Bihi Abdi was given the red carpet treatment upon arrival at Djibouti’s airport. He was greeted by Djibouti’s Foreign minister, Mohamed Yusuf and Treasury minister. Somaliland’s representative to Djibouti and other Djibouti officials have showed up at the airport to welcome the president of Somaliland and his high profile delegation. Djibouti President, Ismail Omar met with his Somaliland counterpart at Djibouti’s VIP airport. Hon. Ismail has seen off Somaliland president and his entourage to  Djibouti Palace Kempinski  Hotel. The two Heads of State will officially hold their first face to face meeting on Monday. Common mutual interests will be reviewed during the talks that will take place tomorrow. Djibouti a tiny state that neighbors Somaliland does not recognize the secession but insists on its stance of Somaliland being part and parcel of Somalia. Somaliland seceded from Somalia in 1991 after the country plunged into turmoil.