The honor of Abaarso School, its Owners, its Foreign Teachers, its Muslim Students and their Parents Should not be Violated and Deserves Protection by the Somaliland Government and its People!

A gentleman whose name I won’t bother to mention here, has been consistently spreading nasty rumors about the founder, the foreign teachers, and the students of Abaarso School. These accusations have been going on for some time now. They are made on the basis of some YouTube videos and pictures whereby some few girl graduates of the Abaarso School are seen not wearing proper hijab.

The reason that I have felt it necessary for me to come out and speak against these nasty accusations is that I myself, because of being somehow indirectly associated with the “Abaarso” brand name, I’ve been having questions thrown at me concerning these accusations.

My big disappointment is to see many of you Somalilanders not only accepting and believing these stories without bothering to check the facts, but also, not standing up against them! My guess is that the reason you believe these stories is that the person making them is using the name of Islam to make his accusations. And yet the accusations of this gentleman violate not only the honor of the founder and the foreign teachers of the school, but more so that of the Muslim students and their parents! In Islam the honor of a Muslim deserves protection and cannot be violated, especially so on the basis of what the eye sees or the ear hears through the media and electronic devices.

The Shari’ah has the highest standards of verification when it comes to making accusations. Everyone, including this gentleman is subject to these Shari’ah obligations.

Allah says: قُلْ هَاتُوا بُرْهَانَكُمْ إِن كُنتُمْ صَادِقِينَ “Qul hatu burhanakum in kuntum sadiqeen.” “Say: Give us your proof and demonstration if you speak truth!” (Q. 2:111).

A video or a photo does not constitute proof in the Shari’ah, you need to bring four eye-witnesses to prove your accusations. Otherwise, the person making accusations will be lashed or flogged for libel (qazf) and sent on his way and marked as a FASIQ. Spreading fitnah, character assassination and being a false witness (Shahadat az-zur) are part of the gravest sins (Kaba’ir) in Islam, next to shirk, murder and treachery.

Therefore, from an Islamic perspective, this gentleman has the obligation to produce for us four groups of witnesses to prove his accusations against the school, as follows:

• Witnesses from the Somaliland Ministry of Education inspectors, who always do checks on the school,
• Witnesses from the hundreds of parents who have enrolled their kids in this school ever since it started, telling us if they have ever noticed abnormal behavior from their kids who attend the school,
• Witnesses from the real, bonafide students of the school and not some dropouts, and finally
• Witnesses from the local community where the school is based, – concerning its impact etc.
• Historical Perspective

The owner and faculty of Abaarso School have moved thousands of kilometers from across the world to assist our Somali and Muslim children, and on top of that the owner had had to donate a half million dollars of his own money to start the school. One would think that Somalis would embrace them for all this effort and sacrifice or at least leave them alone to do their work.

Unfortunately, some unethical individuals instead have been consistently trying to undermine their efforts since the inception of the school. All kinds of hideous things continue to be said and written about them and the school, often from people who’ve never even met them and have only heard false rumors. The students of the school often go home and have people who know nothing but rumors tell them that the school is training them to be Jewish and Christian missionaries! I’ve even heard that at one time it got so bad that on one website someone wrote, “If we kill a few of them then the rest will go home.”

Notwithstanding all the above, we see the huge positive impact the school is making. At this point, and in a short span of less than 10 years, Abaarso students have earned scholarships to Harvard, MIT, Amherst, Georgetown, Carnegie Melon, and numerous other great universities. Harvard is perhaps the most famous university in the world, MIT is the top engineering school, Amherst is often ranked in the top few liberal arts colleges, Georgetown top for foreign service, and Carnegie Melon best in computers. Getting accepted to these schools is quite an achievement for Somali kids growing up in Somaliland without foreign citizenships. In total, the school now has approximately 100 students continuing their education internationally, the vast majority in the US. Other countries the school’s students are studying in include Japan, China, Germany, Qatar, S. Africa, Kenya, and Costa Rica.

Somalilanders must understand that Abaarso is doing a great service to their society and that those spreading these rumors are doing so for their own selfish motivations. You also need to understand that that the owner donated a half million dollars of his personal wealth, and to establish that school and get it running he had to work 90 hours each week without any pay, for nothing more than the good of the school and its students. You also need to understand that Abaarso teachers work long days and they only receive volunteer salaries. Most of all, you need to understand that Somali children are getting a world-class education, not only academically, but also in how to be good human beings. The values that Abaarso teaches are consistent with the Islamic religion and culture. Abaarso students volunteer to teach at the Hargeisa Orphanage 3 days per week and operate a school for the local children in Abaarso Village 5 days per week.

Around the world, for your child to get an education like the one at Abaarso you’d need to pay fees in the region of $20,000 or more per student per year. But Abaarso school offers this education at under 10% of that cost. This is because the teachers essentially donate their time and in a way, they are the largest donors to the school, because they bring in their donation not in form of money but rather in work.

Finally, many Somalis don’t know this, but Abaarso has students from every region of Somaliland as well as a number of students from Somalia. Students from Mogadishu and Puntland have been welcomed into the school and are treated with the respect they deserve.

So, instead of believing these kinds of stories, we should rather be asking those who spread them what is it of great impact have they contributed to Somali society and the Ummah so far?

Written By:

Mwalim Juma Imran

My maiden academic and friendly visit to Somaliland was, to say the least, awesome. It was two weeks of learning for me. Learning the culture, values and history of a great people that the world is yet to discover. My main destination was the Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS), University of Hargeisa—the capital city. My host,  Nasir M. Ali, had briefed me about the greatness of his country, but my experience on the ground was far more enriching than my expectations were. I learnt so many things in Somaliland, but let me mention just a few: a determined people, a hardworking people, a hospitable people, a peace-loving people and a God-loving people.

A determined people: The rebuilding of Hargeisa in just 27 years (1991-2018) following its complete destruction by Somalia forces, tells the story of a people who are determined to develop their country by themselves. With no international recognition and support, I was marveled at how much Somalilanders have achieved in nation-building. They are determined to be recognized as an independent nation from Somalia and determined to modernize their country and its institutions. The IPCS is a classic example of this determination. From the motto “Knowledge is power” the Institute in particular and the University as a whole, are building minds which are effectively transforming the society.

A hardworking people: I discovered with admiration that Somalilanders wake up very early in the morning to start working and close late at night from work. They have understood that the real secret to success is hard work. They are committed in everything they do: from the security agents, teachers in lecture rooms, farmers rearing cattle, to politicians in offices, all hands are on deck to build the country. The absence of distractions like alcohol and drugs in the entire nation, have helped to maintain the stability of the workers and the country.

A hospitable people: I have travelled quite a bit and have met different kinds of people. But Somalilanders are different. Their hospitality knows no match. They live like a community, so there is hardly a difference between the rich and the poor. They love to share. For two weeks, they made sure I was well taken care of. They took turns in offering me lunch and dinner, taking me around to discover the richness and beauty of the country and ensuring my security. In brief—they are always willing to share.

Peace-loving people: Despite the challenges Somalilanders have faced with Somalia, they constantly preach peace with their neigbours and strangers. They are arguably, the most stable country in a turbulent region (Horn of Africa) surrounded by terrorists-infested and war-stricken nations. Life is good there all the times and security, even in the middle of the night, is guaranteed. Their language is peace!!!

A God-fearing people: They love their religion and they put it into practice. Allah is supreme and they don’t joke with that. Nothing can come in-between them and their God—nothing even education. During my three hours daily lectures, there was always a 15 minute break. Not a coffee break as we see in other parts of the world, but a prayer-break. When it is prayer time, every other thing MUST wait, because Allah is supreme and they don’t share His time with anything else. This is certainly the source of their strength, commitment, blessings and protection.

I have said many things, but let me just summarize that my experience in Somaliland was simply FANTASTIC! And thanks to the Director of IPCS, Nasir M. Ali for making this happen. Today, I am a FRIEND AND GOOD WILL AMSSADOR of Somaliland to the world. And if there is one thing left to say, it is for the world to officially recognize this peace-loving country NOW! Insha Allah.

Kingsley L. Ngange, Ph.D

Let me start with the fact that Somaliland territory is inviolable, never to be broken, infringed, or dishonored, inalienable, absolute, untouchable, unalterable, unchallengeable, unbreakable, impregnable and, therefore, shall not be trespassed upon. The territory of Somaliland nation is inviolable, and shall not be trespassed and whoever tries to violate it will be dealt with severely.

Many Somalilanders Including myself believe that Mr. Michael Keating, the United Nation special representative of Somalia/Somaliland is part of the Somaliland and Puntland conflict and we have many reasons to believe this, the first example is the fact that when he was in Garoowe recently, he had the guts to say that Somaliland army needs to move back from their god given boundary, On top of that he never expressed his objection against the attacks and the innocent people dying from both side of the border.
We are extremely concerned about this. How on earth he can utter such words when he knows where the border lies. Keating, whom I believe is part of the conflict has never expressed his protest against the aggression that Somalia is threatening the peace and stability of the entire region. I strongly denounce the behavior of Keating for not being neutral in this situation and once again I try to recall him that the UN has failed to understand the complexity of the situation on the ground and the legal argument of Somaliland.

We will not allow anyone to undermine or destabilize the hard worn peace and stability of Somaliland

Problem number one is Farmaajo

Farmaajo tried his luck when he presented an ultimatum condition to the Saudis who were trying to mediate between Somalia and UAE, those conditions were that UAE cancels all agreements with Somaliland, which he claimed was part of Somalia, meaning DP WORLD Berbera agreement and Berbera UAE military base agreement which was impossible to be cancelled by both UAE and Somaliland. That was Farmaajo plan A and now he is trying his plan B which is to attack and cause problems for Somaliland which he failed so far.

Somaliland is a country that existed since 1960, Somaliland have every right to do whatever that suits the country, we will also sign other numerous investment agreements from UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and any other interested countries for wide cooperations and investments, therefore, Farmaajo, Keating and Gaas can explode.

This is NOT a skirmish of a weak and failed state.

Farmaajo and his hooligans with very deep tribal and expansionist tendencies are collecting an army and young children and steering a tribal conflict.

Farmaajo should concentrate on abolishing these five or six regional states that he failed for their restraint.

But NO…he is executing the dream of his uncle AFWEYNE.

1974 Afweyne in collaboration with his tribal uncles moved thousands of Somaliland clan out of their state, claiming there was a terrible drought there, but, ended up putting them in concentration camps with military guards, just like the Germans did in WWII.

These camps were in an area infested with mosquitoes, poisonous snakes and scorpions. Thusly, if one doesn’t get them the other would. These camps were; Dujuma, Sablale, Kurtin Warey and Baraawe.

The plan was to take over the whole Somaliland territories and move inward with his tribal uncles and brothers. But the people broke out and moved back home to start a new life.

What came after was the bombing of Hargeisa and destroying life in BURCO and Berbera and Caynabo and even kill innocent nomads who did not know what was going on.
For years, our people lived in camps in Ethiopia and the rest of us who could afford to flee started scattering all over the globe, unfortunately in 1988 few thousands of SNM men came and overcame the mighty Somali army who were classed as the strongest army in Africa
And so our people came back and started building the country from the ashes.

Today we have a democratic and a beautiful country and a better life which was made with blood and sweat.

Now Farmaajo is making the same bloody mistake that his uncle AFWEYNE took, he is sending dozens of weapons and money to Puntland from Mogadishu and Jubaland. The strange part is that they have come out into the open and are getting together to try and complete their uncle’s dream. This guy in Jubaland even collected an army recently and wanted to send them to Puntland to help them attack to Somaliland but the Ethiopians found out and blocked them from traveling to Puntland. Just last week a full ship of ammunitions and heavy weapons came to Boosaaso port by Farmaajo.

Last week I viewed a video from our Jigjiga neighbors insulting Somaliland and claiming that Jigjiga to Laasqoray belongs to them where Puntland is also claiming Sool and Sanaag regions of Somaliland

To my understanding surrounding the above combined scenarios from Jubaland, Puntland and Jigjiga, this is an expansionist hidden agenda of the mentioned trio, but,thanks that we possess an excellent fifty thousand well trained strong armed forces and five million people who will not hesitate to support and defend this great nation once again as we did defend before with a few thousand men with little weaponry or ammunitions, We are fortunate enough to know and understand their agenda today and are ready for it.

Also Abdiweli Gas is the problem number two for this conflict and the reason for this is the fact that his term in office is finishing or coming to an end soon and therefore seeks a second term in the office, the people of Somaliland and Puntland region of Somalia has always maintained a good relation together and the two people used to cross the borders with no fear and full of confidence

The Republic of Somaliland is bordered by the Gulf of Aden to the north; Somalia to the east; the Federal Republic of Ethiopia to the south and the west; and the Republic of Djibouti to the north west. The territory of the nation is inviolable, and shall not be trespassed upon.

SOMALILAND INTERNATIONAL BOUNDARIES

The international boundaries of the Republic of Somaliland are set out in Article 2  of the Somaliland Constitution as follows:

“Article 2:

The Territory of the Republic of Somaliland
1. The territory of the Republic of Somaliland covers the same area as that of the former Somaliland Protectorate and is located between Latitude 8’ to 11’ 30’ north of the equator and Longitude 42’ 45 to 49’ East; and consists of the land, islands, and territorial water above and below the surface, the airspace and the continental shelf.
2. The Republic of Somaliland is bordered by the Gulf of Aden to the north; Somalia to the east; the Federal Republic of Ethiopia to the south and the west; and the Republic of Djibouti to the north west.
3. The territory of the nation is inviolable, and shall not be trespassed upon.”

Since 1991, the REPUBLIC OF SOMALILAND sets out clearly the international boundaries which were delineated under a series of international agreements.

Briefly, the international boundary between Somaliland and Ethiopia was based on the 1887 agreement between Britain &  reached Ethiopia. The Treaty consisted of a formal convention of six Articles and annexures containing, among other things, an exchange of notes, which, according to Article 2 of the Treaty shall determine  the frontiers of the “British Protectorate on the Somali Coast”.   The exchange of notes took place during the same year and the final letters were annexed to the treaty by 8 December 1887. A boundary demarcation commission met in January 1932, and started the work on the ground setting up boundary lines, roads and bollards. but on its independence on 26 June 1960, the new Constitution of the independent STATE OF SOMALILAND defined the territory of Somaliland as “all that territory which, on the commencement of the Constitution, is comprised in Her Britannic Majesty’s Protectorate of Somaliland” (s. 2(1)). The Somaliland – Ethiopia boundary,  runs for 463 miles  from  at the 8 N. 48 E. (the tripoint of Somaliland-Eithopia-Somalia) to Madaha Jalelo at the tripoint of Somaliland-Eithopia-Djibouti boundaries. The demarcation of the boundray and its marking with bollards was undertaken in the early 1930s.

The boundary between the Somaliland and Djibouti was finalised  in an agreement between Britain and France signed in February 1888 and the actual demarcation of the trijunction point of the British/French Somaliland and Ethiopia was delineated by the 1936 British Somaliland-Eithopia Boundary Commission.
Finally, the boundary between Somaliland and Somalia  was defined in the Anglo-Italian Protocol of May 1894.  This boundary, which was demarcated by an Anglo-Italian commission in 1929 runs very simply along the 49th longitude (49E), from the Gulf of Aden to latitude 9 degrees north, and then diagonally across to the intersection of the 48th longitude (48E) and latitude 8 N. The Somaliland boundary then runs west along the latitude 8 N which is the start of the boundary between Somaliland and Ethiopia.

Somaliland is of course addressing peacefully the issues relating to neighbouring clan based Puntland region of Somalia and its claim on swathes of Somaliland territory on the basis of clan kinship with Some of the Somaliland communities in the eastern regions of Sool and Sanag. The salient point though is that all the other Somaliland clans also live in areas that straddle the boundaries that  Somaliland has with either Ethiopia or with Djibouti, and similarly members of the same sub clan Puntland bases its claim on also live in the far south of Somalia, as well as across the boundary in Northern Kenya, therefore Puntland needs to stop claiming part of Somaliland territory.

Therefore we would like to inform The United Nations, African Union, European Union, Inter-Governmental Authority on Development, Ethiopia, Italy, Sweden, the United Kingdom and the United States and all the free world that we are extremely concerned by recent Farmaajo’s nasty political and security developments in the eastern part of Somaliland and that we will defend our god given and hard-earned political, economic, and security achievements in Somaliland that we enjoyed for the past 27 years.
We will not tolerate anymore attacks from Somalia, any activities that increase tensions leading to possible violence should be avoided at all costs.

Somaliland government is ready to engage a respectful discussions in the coming weeks and to use constitutional and peaceful means to resolve any differences.

Farmaajo, Abdiweli gaas and Keating’s unbalanced policy and strategy against Somaliland will never discourage the Somaliland citizens who built this great nation.

Your bad policy and sad strategy towards Somaliland will only make the already great Somaliland more greater.

Somaliland is the only functioning constitutional democracy in this troubled region without any international input and assistance, therefore the three of you will take full responsibility for what will happen in the region and its consequences.

Polite notice to Karmaajo, Be aware that your hatred policy and strategy against Somaliland will never discourage the Somaliland citizens who built this great nation which is the only functioning constitutional democracy in this troubled region without an international engagement and assistance. Therefore , you will take the responsibility for what is happening in the region and its consequences as well.

Today’s commemorates, 27 May 1988, the Day of reckoning for the military dictatorship in the Somali Republic.

Long live Somaliland

 
Ahmed Yasin Mohamed Jama

HARGEISA— The Somali Govt sent three planes teemed with cache of wepaons last week to Garowe in a bid to support the war in Tukaraq town between Somaliland and Puntland. It is confirmed that the Saudi Kingdom provided the weapons to the Federal govt of Somalia.

Somalia’s former president, Hasan Sheikh Mohamoud signed a deal with Saudi Arabia to support the Somali authority and it is said that the Saudi govt has plegded to live up its promises.The Federal Govt is aiding and abetting Puntland state over its aggression against Somaliland authority.It is understood that the Somali President, Farmajo is fueling the war in Tukaraq.Somaliland incumbent president Hon. Musa Bihi has reiterared that the Somali authority is doing all they can to stand by Abdiweli’s aggression and violation of Somaliland’s territorial integrity. Saudi Kingdom provided Somalia contianders teemed with Ak 47, and ammunition.Experts have expressed a grave concern over the weapons brought to Somalia which could lead to a large scale war.

Nearly three decades ago, the authoritarian military leader of Somalia, General Mohamed Siad Barre who came to power in a coup, was ousted after over ten years of civil war that had devastated the country.

The overthrow of the civilian government in 1969 aborted a nascent democratic system in which Somalia was a flag bearer of democracy for post-colonial Africa. Incumbent president Aden Abdalleh Osman, who lost to the opposition in 1967, relinquished power. This was in stark contrast to other leaders on the continent, who had inherited the office from colonial rulers, who tightened their grip on power.

Siad Barre ruled twenty-one years of tyranny. The laws were drafted and interpreted to serve his dictatorial interests. Most of the government officials were military officers for whom rule of law and human rights were not in their vocabulary at all. The entire system was thus militarized.

After the collapse of Siad Barre’s oppressive regime, in Somaliland, restoration of independence was declared and a peace building and state building process proceeded. The rebel groups, who fought and expelled Siad Barre, were dominated by people who were trained and worked under his regime. Hence, those who spearheaded the process of state formation and institutional creations were basically the same people as those who served under Siad Barre.

Apparently, they wanted a governance different from that of Siad Barre, but they had little knowledge on how to run a civilian government.  

In the year of 2001, a new constitution was approved by the people of Somaliland by an overwhelming majority. The Constitution sets out a government system entirely different and opposite to that of Siad Barre’s.

The preamble of the Constitution reads, that the people of Somaliland, “having experienced the devastation wrought by a regime based on dictatorship and a policy of divide and rule to which the country was subjected for over twenty years, and ever vigilant of the return of such a regime.”

The Constitution has a bill of rights, emphasises rule of law and establishes three branches of state with separate powers that check and balance against each other. Inspired by the willingness and desire of the masses to have a government of their own, the Constitution is the protector of the public.

Despite having a constitution with such strong values, Somaliland has not properly reformed its institutions to comply with its requirements. Additionally, many laws that predate and contradict the Constitution are still in place. In fact, these laws are practically dealt as supreme over the Constitution.

The supremacy of the Constitution is stipulated in article 128(2) which says “the Constitution shall be the supreme law of the land, and any law which does not conform to it shall be null and void.”

Since the adaptation of the Constitution, many people have got educated on the subject. Many of the young who read the Constitution have principles that directly contradict the strong views of many in leadership roles who are in key institutions. This has produced a conflict and deep disagreement created by different worldviews.

In a number of occasions, I have met with senior officials in decision-making positions who often cite other laws rather than the Constitution. When confronted with the Constitution they allude as if the Constitution is unrealistic.

Many of these officials have never read the Constitution. They grew up and were educated, if at all, in an era where there was no constitution, and what the superior officer said was the law. For them, that is easily understandable. Such mentality has been transferred into the subsequent generations who are in the government institutions.

It is arguable, of course, that the weakness of the rule of law plays a role in the disregard for the Constitution. However, it is clear that there is a generational gap as well.

To make the Constitution operational, respected and accepted as the supreme law of the land, the government institutions must be drastically reformed, and the authentic independence of the judiciary should be ensured.

The Constitution cannot be and should not be left for law students to review to pass exams and then leave to gather dust on shelves. It is the most important which has supremacy over all other laws.

There is a difference between having a Constitution and working within constitutionalism. Somaliland is the former. The progressive Constitution should not be allowed to be thus challenged and impaired.

Guleid Ahmed Jama

Lawyer and director of Human Rights Centre Somaliland

Follow: @GuleidJ

Gender in Crisis: Women in   Somaliland’s Informal Economy  

INTRODUCTION    

Throughout the Horn of Africa (HoA), war and the cross-border movement of peoples, alongside periodic drought and rapid rural to urban migration have all resulted in the massive expansion of women in the informal economy. While in some parts of the world this expansion has had positive effects on social and economic development, in many cases in the Horn, the proliferation of female populations in the informal sector over the past three decades has not led to any significant change in terms of their position in society. State collapse and the failure of nationbuilding projects across the HoA have provoked the emergence of new (and in some cases old) hurdles to women’s advancement. This includes the reversion to traditional structures and the rise of new, more militant forms of authority that have materialized to take advantage of the space provided by the breakdown of state. Consequently, women find themselves caught between the pressures of globalization and modernization on the one hand, and conservatism and tradition on the other. They are trapped somewhere between positive forms of role change produced by their swelling numbers in the informal economy and stagnation. As other research has pointed out, they are empowered and impoverishedii and lauded and castigated at once.

The purpose of this report is to shed light onto the conditions of urban poor women and female informal laborers in Somailand’s capital, Hargeisa. As part of a three country study involving Somaliland, South Sudan and Uganda, the Strategic Initiative for the Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) wishes to highlight the contributions of Somali women to the local economy, their communities and their families, while at the same time calling attention to the risks and challenges that they face in trying to make a livelihood, as well as strategies and coping mechanisms that women engage in for their own economic and physical protection. More specifically, it attempts to grapple with the myriad ways in which Somaliland women try and navigate the incongruous landscape that has resulted from war, state collapse and globalization. The report shows how women’s increasing engagement in the public spaces of the informal sector is punctuated by violence, marginalization and censorship and reflects on their day-to-day experiences in the home, with their customers and with the “state” and its authorities, in order to identify entry points for supporting Somaliland’s urban poor women, specifically those working in the informal economy.

Today, women continue working selling tea, khat (a mild amphetamine), jewelry, cosmetics, used clothes, textiles, household items and food stuffs on the street and in the market and in some instances have established small restaurants and shops in Somaliland cities like Hargeisa. However, they are being kept at the margins. They have battled their way into the public spaces of the markets and streets of urban areas and towns in Somaliland in order to meet their basic needs only to be kept there and denied opportunities and access to economic mobility and decision-making. The growing significance of political Islam and more conservative, radical currents of ‘Wahabism,’ or Salafismiii coupled with a weak state and the prominence of clan structures that have had difficulty adapting to an urban contextiv, have meant that women in the informal economy in Somaliland remain incredibly vulnerable to violence, extraction, coercion and abuse – unable to influence decisions at the household, community and national level. As observed elsewhere in the HoA, although there have been profound changes to women’s position in the economy, specifically in the informal sector, the gendered division of labor in women’s private life remains the same, as do the patriarchal attitudes and practices that keep women on the edges of socio-economic life.v Rapid change has created a crisis in gender relations where men are trying to hold onto a glorified past version of Somali masculinity with males as the sole decisionmakers and providers, which is often violently imposed on women. They are trying to retain their once elevated position and status in Somaliland society and fight against changes to the gendered hierarchy that have taken place in the war.vi As a result, women’s gains in Somaliland have been limited at best.

Methodology    

SIHA realized that although there is a large body of academic and policy-related literature on women in the informal economy, there is a lack of information on the extent of urban poor women’s marginalization and exclusion in Somalilandvii – the understanding of which, as other research has highlighted, is necessary if interventions are to be able to actually promote inclusive growth and sustainability livelihoods for vulnerable groups.viii  Indeed, across the HoA there are a number of non-governmental organization (NGO) programs that are said to not responsive to the socio-cultural and economic conditions of participants in project sites.ix  In keeping with SIHA’s research tradition of primarily qualitative documentation for advocacy purposes the report focuses on chronicling the lived experiences of women and girls in the informal economy of Hargeisa. The main vehicle through which data collection occurred were questionnaire guided interviews and focus-group discussions (FGDs) with a broad range of participants, including government officials, civil society groups, including grassroots women’s activists, international NGOs, United Nations (UN) agencies, Somali academics and intellectuals, customary authorities, such as clan elders, internally displaced persons (IDPs), minority clan members, female informal laborers themselves, youth and men. SIHA worked with their local partners in Somaliland to identify participants in different areas of the city and help facilitate contact with informal laborers and those who interact with them. It was felt that this was the best strategy for providing a more nuanced and contextualized description of urban poor women’s coping mechanisms and vulnerabilities in a Somaliland context.

Along these lines, the assessment concentrated on obtaining background information on informal sector women, their career aspirations, their opportunities for economic advancement, their responsibilities to the household and the community, their participation in different levels of decision-making, the circumstances that pushed them into this work, the challenges and risks they deal with on a day-to-day basis in trying to earn a livelihood, their interaction with state authorities like the police and their protection and coping mechanisms. The researcher also made space for participants, male and female alike, to narrate and discuss their experiences and perspectives on women’s participation in the economy and general socio-cultural and economic issues facing Hargeisa residents.

CONTEXT    

The situation of urban poor women and female informal laborers in contemporary Somaliland cannot be understood without due consideration to the history of protracted conflict and state and economic collapse that have been cited as contributing to the generation and strengthening of the informal economy. In fact, the modern Somaliland “state” was the product of the insurgency by the Issaq clan dominated Somali National Movement (SNM) in the northwest of Somalia that battled the harsh, repressive policies of the Said Barre regime in the late 1980s before unilaterally declaring the independence  in 1991. The war against the Barre government led to massive displacement and casualties amongst Somali populations in the area that is now known as Somaliland, with the number of estimated deaths to be between 50,000 and 100,000 people in Hargeisa alone.xi It also destroyed any existing economic infrastructure, including the closure of market centres and main ports, while at the same time disrupting traditional modes of pastoral life. Coupled with the entrance of men into war-related activities, women increasingly involved themselves in more visible forms of labor.xiii As one scholar pointed out:

“…the burden of labour [for women] shifted to tasks such as queuing up for food rations, fetching water from distant sources and engaging in petty trade to supplement their incomes.”

The war against Said Barre not only caused civilian destruction, it also created a space for the emergence of traditional forms of authority as clan structures stepped in to provide citizens with security and protection, which the Mogadishu government was unwilling and unable to provide. In Somaliland specifically, clans also played a critical role in the formation and maintenance of the SNM and helped to pave the way for peace in the northwest through local initiatives aimed at creating harmony between competing clans post-1991. The vacuum established by the collapse of the Somali state under Barre also meant the end of secularism as many people turned to political Islam as a way to vent their frustrations with “the failure of secular nationalist ideology to unite Somalis and overcome clannism.”xv During the war, religious militancy gained a footing as an alternative to both the failed attempt at nation-building, as well as patronage-based clannism. As stressed in other works on the Somaliland region, however, this process also entailed the reversal of the gains that women had made legislatively under Barre in terms of bettering their structurally subordinate position in Somali society… Read full paper Somaliland Revised Paper FINAL (3)_Received from Kafia(1)

Dr. Sa’ad Ali Shire

Hargeisa- The government of Somaliland has accepted the call by the international community concerning the war between Somaliland  and Puntland in Tukaraq town. The international community had issued a stern warning to the Puntland militia to stop the constant attack on Somaliland.

The minister of foreign affairs and international cooperation Mr.Sa’ad Ali Shire speaking to a local English daily newspaper the Horn Newspaper accused the Somalia sponsored Puntland administration for constant incursions into Somaliland territorial borders to initiate attack on Somaliland armed forces guarding her international borders.

Addressing the international community Dr.Sa’ad stated “I urge the community of nations to exert pressure on Puntland and her sponsor Somalia to stop the naked interferences on Somaliland internal affairs. I call on the international community to urge Somalia to intervene so that Somalia quits her constant attacks and propagations of anarchy in Sool region of Somaliland.”

Minister Sa’ad revealed that the people of Sool are thirsty and need development, hospitals, schools, jobs. Sool province is located in Somaliland and her people are Somalilanders.

“Somalia should disengage from fueling fire in Somaliland.  I send my congratulations to Somaliland armed forces for the spirited fight to defend their people and country from the invading Somalia/Puntland militias. This is an army that day a night loses sleep to defend their country and sovereignty.

Speaking about the Tukaraq war Mr.Sa’ad “The war that has transpired is an insult to Somaliland because the country boundary is well known inherited from the British colonial masters. We did not create it. It was created by the British and the Italians; furthermore it is an international border just like the one Somalia has with Kenya and Ethiopia. “

In another development the minister of foreign affairs talked about the recent visit by the H.E president Musa Bihi Abdi in the western coastal plains regions of Somaliland that were hit by cyclone.

“We toured four towns they are as follows Asha-ado, Gargaar Bari,Lughaya and Sayla’a.  The people we met told us many livestock died, many farms were destroyed and upto 31 people lost their lives as a result of the cyclone disaster. These people need emergency relief aid; they need water, food stuff and humanitarian assistance. They lost their livelihood and now live in destitution. I call on the local people who have resources to help their brothers who have been afflicted by the cyclone disaster. International and local humanitarian organizations should come to the peoples’ rescue.” Dr.Sa’ad said.

The foreign minister also revealed that the UAE sent two Chinook helicopters to reach the marooned people of the cyclone disaster. They distributed basic disaster relief aid to the western coastal plains. The government of Djibouti also helped with a aero plane that ferried the president of Somaliland H.E Musa Bihi Abdi to tour the affected region.

HARGEISA–The minister of education flanked by the minister of national planning and the director general of the planning ministry yesterday met with delegation from KfW Development Bank based in Germany. The German delegation was led by the Head of KfW Bank to the Horn of Africa, Hon. Andreas Holtkotte. The KFW Bank will assist Somaliland on the establishmemnt of Technical and Vocational Education int the country.

Saad Ali Shire (PhD) was appointed as Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Somaliland in October 2015. Prior to his appointment he was the Minister of National Planning and Development for five years from 2012 to 2015. During his tenure as minister of national planning, he served in many committees including the National Planning Commission, the Somaliland Development Fund Joint Steering Committee, Somaliland Business Fund Grant Advisory Panel, Civil Service Reform Committee, Public Finance Reform Committee, Budget Policy Committee, Private Sector Reform Committee, Land Policy Reform Committee, Berbera Port/Corridor Development Committee. Prior to joining the public sector, Shire was the Managing Director of UK and Europe Dahabshiil Transfer Services Limited, a money transfer service company. Before that, he held senior positions in the community development sector, lectured at the college of Agriculture of Somali National University and worked for the UN Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) and the World Bank. Shire is an economist and an agronomist. He studied agriculture at both Havana University, Cuba, and Somali National University where he earned his bachelor’s degree. He subsequently went to Pennsylvania State University in the US, where he did his master’s and PhD degrees in Agricultural Economics. He also has a post graduate diploma in Islamic Banking, and is an IMC member of the Chartered Financial Analysts (CFA) Society of UK. On the 27th anniversary of Somaliland’s reclaimed independence from Somalia, Birhanu Fikade of The Reporter sat down with Shire for a brief interview in Hargeisa. Excerpts: 

The Reporter: On Somaliland’s 27th year Independence Day celebrations, what are the milestones that you can say were achieved since reclaiming your autonomy? 

Saad Ali Shire (PhD): It feels great to celebrate the 27th anniversary of Somaliland’s independence from Somalia. By the way, Somalia and Somaliland were two different sovereign countries [even before the British and Italians]. Somaliland was under the British protectorate while Somalia was under the Italian trusteeship. In 1960, at the time when there were a lot of anti-colonial sentiment and movements across Africa, the dream of bringing the Somali inhabited regions in the Horn of Africa together was born. By the time, we wanted to unite the French Somaliland, now Djibouti, the Ogaden Region in Ethiopia and part of the North Distance Frontier (NFD) in Kenya. In that emotion, we rushed into realizing a unity with Somalia. Unfortunately, right from the start, the union didn’t work as expected.

So was it a voluntary union?

Yes, it was a voluntary unity. We had our people votes on the matter and drafted a union constitution in 1961. The process was organized by then young military officers of Somaliland. But, it was not successful either; and hence a movement or a process of reclaiming our independence was started. Early in the 1980s, there was a resistance movement to liberate Somaliland from the tyranny of the Siad Barre and his regime. That went on for ten years, from 1981 to 1991, during which time Somaliland has faced great destructions. The capital Hargeisa was destroyed and leveled to the ground. So since 1991, we have been rebuilding; and everything you could see in Hargeisa today is an outcome of this reconstruction. Over the years, we were not only able to rebuild the physical assets of our country but also developed our social services. For instance, in 1991, there were no schools in Somaliland but today we have 1000 schools across the country. We hardly have any clinic 27 years ago, but today we have health posts almost in every district. We also have 10 universities at moment but we didn’t have one at that time. Every year, we have close to 6000 students graduating from universities. I think we came a long way since 1991 and it feels great to celebrate our independence day with such outcomes.

Apart from democracy, stability and peace what most people talk about in Somaliland is international recognition. But why did the international community fail to recognize your country for 27 years?

I think we have historical, legal, political and humanitarian rights to be recognized. Somaliland is not the first country that dissolved a union. Many African countries have done it before. For instance, Senegal and Gambia were together at one point. The Fresh Sudan and Senegal were in union before. You have Ethiopia and Eretria, Egypt and Syria, the Sudan and South Sudan were also together as one country. There are so many examples that we could cite which dissolved their unities voluntarily. It’s nothing new what Somaliland is trying to do. We have fulfilled all the conditions of a sovereign state; we fit all the criteria. But, it is a valid question to ask why the international community is not recognizing Somaliland. That is in fact a question for the international community. I think there are two reasons for not recognizing us as a nation. One is fear and the other one is ignorance. When we say fear, I think there are a lot people who fear that this process might create what they call a Pandora’s Box. It is a fear that other countries in the region or beyond might emulate and this might lead to more countries spliting. I think that has been proven not to be the case. The AU Commission which came to Somalia in 2005, said in its reports that the case of Somaliland is unique and that “there is nothing like it”. Hence, there is no reason to fear that this will create a Pandora’s Box. There is no country with the same history as ours. The other reason that hindered our recognition is ignorance to the situation we are in and our historical background. Many people try to mix-up Somaliland and Somalia. They just think that Somaliland is a relegated region that wants to secede from a country: Somalia. That is not the case.

Is it because Somalia is claiming Somaliland to be part of its territory? Are they saying that?

At any rate, it is a misleading claim because we were two nations that had voluntarily joined and now trying to voluntarily dissolve the union on equal settings. There is no reason they should claim that. The people of Somaliland have made up their minds. They have said enough is enough. We don’t want to be part of Somalia because we had suffered a lot. Hence, why do we want to tolerate and prolong our suffering anymore when we can have our own independence?

It is feared that your bid to be recognized as an independent nation might be at stake following the recent Berbera Port development project to which the UAE and Ethiopia are stakeholders. We have heard objections from Somalia. They called for the annulment of the port agreement. What is the reaction of your government to that position? Is that going to put Somaliland in a more precarious situation?

I think, this claim is wrong in two ways. Back in 2014, at a meeting held in Djibouti, between then Presidents of Somaliland and Somalia, the two nations has agreed not to politicize development projects in the two countries. The port development project is a development project. It’s also wrong because Somalia has no business in Somaliland; just as we have no business running in Somalia. We are two different separate countries. By the way, this is not the first economic accord that the two nations have signed. We have signed many business deals in the past. We have entered into treaties. We have agreed and signed Memorandum of Understandings (MoUs) with many countries and companies before. There’s really nothing new. They have never made a fuse about agreements we made with any other country before. We understand why they are making such claims regarding the deal we have sealed with Ethiopia and the UAE. We believe they are making such claims because of Ethiopia. They might not be comfortable with the inclusion of Ethiopia in the project. That is the same reason why Somaliland wants to be recognized because it is the guarantor of peace. We don’t want to go back to the crisis we had in 1964 or in 1977. The government of Somalia might still be clinging to the idea of creating the Greater Somalia. So, we say, the only guarantor of peace and stability in the region is the recognition of Somaliland.

Was there any discussion among Somaliland, Somalia, UAE and Ethiopia following the statements made by Somalia regarding the port development project?

The agreement among UAE, Ethiopia and Somaliland remains intact. It is not affected by the position taken by the government of Somalia. They can say whatever they wanted to say; but we remain committed and make progress on our agreement.

It is unlikely to remain at peace and stability for 27 years in a region that is hostile and fragile. But, you have done that; so how did you manage to be at peace when other neighbors aren’t?

The difference between Somaliland and Somalia begins with the routes we took soon after the collapse of the government of Somalia. We have taken two divergent routes. Our route started with reconciliation. We had a serious of seven meetings on reconciliation process. After we had the reconciliation we started building a transitional government which then transformed into a democratic state through inclusive democratic systems of governance which is in place today. We had demobilized the militias. I think these are the main differences between Somalia and Somaliland. They haven’t had any reconciliation yet. There are a lot of people who are aggrieved and they still feel that justice hasn’t been done there. They haven’t demobilized the militia. They don’t have an inclusive government yet. We have conducted six elections all monitored by the international community. We have been able to stage “free and fair elections” as observers have declared. But, Somalia didn’t have one like that. I think Somaliland is a product of the people of Somaliland. There are no foreign troops here. We don’t have AMISOM and the reconciliation process was successfully held without the interventions of foreign parties. The UN was not involved. It was in indigenous process. As a matter of fact, I think that has saved us. It is said that the UN has offered to help. But, the elders had refused to accept. They said once you have accepted some sort of help or money, then someone will start to dictate your destiny. Hence, to be free and do what you wish to do right, you don’t have to be bound by someone else’s favor. That’s the philosophy they have back then; and that is how it worked to build democracy in our country.

The Reporter

KSrelief distribution of Ramadan food baskets in Somaliland
King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Centre (KSrelief) distributed in the 13th day of the holy month of Ramadan 900 Ramadan food baskets in the province of Einya, Somaliland, benefiting 5400 displaced people who came to the directorate because of the drought, which caused a severe shortage of food.
This distribution comes within the framework of humanitarian projects being implemented by KSrelief to support all needy countries, including those affected by drought in Somaliland.

SPA

Communities in the coastal areas of Somaliland and major portions of Awdal district, as well as some coastal communities in Puntland are still reeling from the impact of tropical cyclone Sagar. The cyclone, one of the strongest storms ever recorded in Somalia, left an entire year’s worth of rain in a matter of hours, according to SWALIM. It left in its trail death, floods and strong winds, as well as the destruction of farmland and infrastructure. Thousands of livestock were killed and civilians displaced.

The impact of the cyclone has affected communities that were still recovering from prolonged drought.
Somaliland’s Lughaya, Zeylac and Baki districts, in Awdal region, bore the brunt of the impact; some 51 villages in five districts were affected overall. The disaster management authority, NADFOR, estimates that 49 people were killed and 70 others are still missing. Nearly 168,000 people were directly affected. Some 277 hectares of land have been destroyed in the affected villages. Key infrastructure, including roads, fishing boats, medical facilities, boreholes and water wells were damaged. Over 80 per cent of community shelters have been destroyed and 33 schools were affected. Priority needs include food,
WASH, health services, shelter and non-food items. The heavy rains and disturbance of tracks have hindered humanitarians’ ability to access some affected areas.

In Puntland, flash floods in Bari left three people dead and damaged the road linking the town of Bossaso to areas in the south. Humanitarians have reported that 3,600 families were affected. The worst-affected areas include the coastal towns of Bareeda, Caluula, Gumbax, Murcanyo, Xaabo and some parts of Qandala. Houses and fishing boats were washed away. Agricultural land was also swamped. Access to most of the affected areas is a challenge. Another tropical storm, Cyclone Mekunu, formed in the northern Indian Ocean on 21 May but did not cause much damage in the coastal areas of the Bari region of Puntland where it was felt. Meanwhile, armed clashes in Tukaraq town in Sool region have displaced nearly 2,500 households. This, is compounding the humanitarian situation and further hampering assistance.

UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs

The U.S. wastes blood and treasure propping up Somalia while denying its neighbor’s sovereign aspirations. Why?

In 1991, following the collapse of the authoritarian Somali government, the northwestern region of war-torn Somalia became a de-facto republic called Somaliland. Every year on May 18, millions of people take part in Somaliland’s independence rallies. Though Somaliland is imperfect, it has all of the attributes of a functioning nation: a legitimate political order that has the consent of the people, a court system that enforces the rule of law, a security force protecting its people and denying sanctuary for terrorists, and a political process to ensure the peaceful transfer of power. In fact, last November, Somaliland had a free and credible presidential election, as certified by international observers.

Yet 27 years after declaring independence, Somaliland still struggles to be recognized as a member of international community, or even acknowledged for its transformation into a fledging democratic country in the Horn of Africa.

The problem for Somaliland, which has plenty of valid reasons to be considered a sovereign state, has to do with the politics of accepting new states into Africa. The African Union (AU), run by despotic regimes, has an unjust veto over Somaliland independence.

The AU charter prohibits changing Africa’s borders that were inherited from the colonial powers. However, the African Union’s argument to deny Somaliland sovereignty is not valid because Somaliland was an independent state in 1960 before Somalia was. It had defined colonial borders that were established at the time of independence.

The 4 million Somaliland people made their voices clear in a May 2001 referendum. Thousands drove or walked miles to polling stations, stood patiently in the scorching sun, and voted overwhelmingly in favor of independence.

In contrast, the Somali government that the United States recognizes is riddled with corruption, and is struggling to govern, protect its people, and deliver basic services. It does not have support among ordinary Somalis. Its top leadership is constantly fighting over factional interests and the spoils of foreign aid. Without the support of African Union troops it would collapse.

Despite billions in foreign aid, U.S. counter-terrorism efforts, and some 22,000 AU troops, Somalia is still unstable and dangerous. Many African and UN soldiers, including U.S. Rangers and Delta soldiers, have lost their lives to bring peace and order to that sad country.

Senator Jack Reed, top Democrat on the Senate Armed Services Committee, recently assessed that “not much has changed about Somalia’s prospect for long-term stability” since he first visited 25 years ago, after a trip to Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital, last March.

The reason Somalia remains ungovernable is that its governance is a racket and a fraud. Its power-hungry politicians, businessmen, elders, and even clergy are mostly corrupt, profiting from human disasters and promoting chaos and manufactured political crises to serve their narrow self-interest.

In fact, America’s aid is inadvertently maintaining the culture of impunity and predation that prevails in Mogadishu. As long as the U.S. and others are rewarding bad actors—entrenched rivals clans and warlords—and cajoling with terrorists, defeating al-Shabaab, al-Qaeda’s affiliate group, and securing peace in Somalia will remain elusive.

The United States treats Somalia as a sovereign country, as though United Nations body membership somehow confers legitimacy. Yet democratic Somaliland, which manages its own affairs, is regarded as a pariah state.

Somaliland’s biggest challenges are its economy, dilapidated infrastructure, rudimentary health care system, and recurring droughts due to climate change, which have decimated its livestock. It has been sustained by the export of mutton and sheep to the Middle East, and the remittance of the diaspora in North America and Europe. Yet with its legal status uncertain, those who might invest and develop Somaliland’s resources—such as fishing, mining, oil, and agriculture—are not able to do so.

Somaliland’s economy did receive a huge boost after the Dubai-based DP World, one of the globe’s largest seaport management companies, agreed to invest $442 million to expand the deep sea port of Berbera on the Gulf of Aden, a busy shipping lane. This will develop a free-trade zone in Berbera modeled on the one in Dubai’s Jebel Ali. The new project will also help landlocked Ethiopia, the region’s largest economy, get alternate access to shipping lanes. So far, DP World’s investment is the largest single foreign investment Somaliland has received.

Instead of dictating Somaliland’s political outcome and risking more American lives and treasure, the U.S. should use its diplomatic muscle to broker a negotiated settlement between Somaliland and Somalia, to end the legal fiction that the former is part of the latter.

I believe the only viable solution is an independent, democratic, free Somaliland trading with its neighbors, and helping maintain peace and stability in a region crippled with violence, despotism, and terror.

For the rest of Somalia, the best hope is for the international community to unite behind Turkey and others who want to bring peace and order to that troubled country. Most Somalis in south Somalia trust Turkey: unlike their nation’s self-interested neighbors, it has no territorial ambition on Somalia, has significantly contributed to the security and rebuilding of their country, and has operated a vast military base and a port in Mogadishu.

I have no doubt these corrective actions alone will not end Somalia’s tragedy. But keeping the status quo will only lead more terrorism, chaos, and disintegration. It will also deny Somaliland’s people a chance to control their own political destiny.

Ali Mohamed is the founder and editor of Gubanmedia.com, an independent online source of news and commentary covering the Horn of Africa region. He can be reached at aliadm18 at gmail dot com.

The American Conservative

HARGEISA, Somaliland — How do you root out a ruthless terror group? How do you anticipate its every move, counter its indoctrination campaigns, occupy its territory and deprive it of the air it breathes?

“I was contemplating these questions while standing in the inner courtyard of the Presidential Palace in Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, when the man who knew the answers walked up to me and introduced himself.

“I am Ali Waran Ade, the lionkeeper of Somaliland,” he said. Waran Ade received that name because of the lions he owns. He keeps them in his farm by the dry river bed in the east of the city. A few years ago, one escaped and killed a woman at the livestock market in the capital.

Gray-haired and gray-bearded, Waran Ade is a security adviser to Muse Bihi Abdi — the recently elected president of the self-declared independent republic that broke away from Somalia in the early 1990s. But Waran Ade has also served as interior minister under three of Abdi’s predecessors.

No one knows better than him the underworld in which the terror group al-Shabab likes to operate. The group has wreaked terrible violence in neighboring Somalia, where it basks in an aura of invincibility that has eluded al-Qaeda and ISIS. The United States-led international contingent in Somalia seems impotent against them. After years of conflict, al-Shabab continues to operate with impunity in Mogadishu, where the government and foreign aid workers keep to a small cordoned-off area.

And yet, in Somaliland, al-Shabab has no presence — even though part of its leadership originally came from Hargeisa. So how has this small, impoverished, internationally unrecognized state on the Gulf of Aden succeeded where everyone else has failed? What does it know that everyone else is unable to understand?

The old lionkeeper knows the answer — but it’s not what you’d think. Yes, his efforts and those of the interior ministry are important. Security consumes almost half the state budget, the borders with Somalia are carefully guarded, and more than a few dangerous characters have disappeared into state prisons.

But credit for Somaliland’s success doesn’t belong to the security services, Waran Ade told me. It belongs to the people. No security service can know everything its enemies are up to, but the people are everywhere. They know everything, hear everything, spy on everything. Only the people can become one with the people.

I am told numerous stories to illustrate the point. Once, two old ladies near the Ethiopian border spotted a group of young men carrying weapons; they immediately reported them to the police. Even mothers are not above reporting their sons if they see a call from Mogadishu registered on their cell phones.

Thirty years ago, in a drawn out civil war with Somalia, Hargeisa was razed to the ground. Everyone in the region is willing to pay any price to preserve what has since been built: an open democracy and a thriving new landscape of small businesses filling every street in the capital.

Life feels so safe now that local merchants in the bazaar leave their piles of shilling — inflation is a problem — unattended when they go to pray in the nearby grand mosque.

Democracy in Somaliland is a living organism, not a system built after foreign invasions, erected according to the prescriptions of think tanks and political consultants. It is old — much older than its European cousins, lost in a distant past of nomadic freedom and independence. And it is built on the foundations of a clan system which, far from subjugating the individual to archaic traditions, actually gives him or her the power to stand up to the state and preserve its limits.

Somaliland is the only place in the Horn of Africa where the clans have survived intact. The British colonial presence was very light, and for the past few decades the country has lived in isolation. In Somalia, the clans were uprooted by the Italian occupiers and now resemble political cliques.

A young man in Somalia is easy prey for al-Shabab. His social status is given an enormous boost if he joins the group. He will be given a cell phone, a monthly salary and a pick of beautiful women, who are coerced into marriage. If he says no, he will have to pay a tax or offer his services for free. And if he says no again, he is killed.

In Somaliland, a young man who is found out to have any connection to al-Shabab will have to run away and remain a fugitive all his life. His clan will make sure of that, because the association will be a stain on the honor of the whole clan. To be a clan member is to be able to recite one’s ancestors 20 or 30 generations back.

The system links everyone to the past. As someone told me, people in Somaliland feel sorry for Europeans, who are alone in the world and have to drag themselves through life without present or past.

So picture this: two formidable political creatures. One is a terrorist group more than 10 years old, renowned for cruelty, indiscriminate executions and the power to hold an entire country in its grip. The other is a small state, unrecognized by the international community and so impoverished that its capital is still unable to afford traffic lights.

Remarkably, the latter has won the war. Or put it more prudently: It is winning the war.

Before I walked in to meet the president, Waran Ade told me that his successor in the ministry had gone to the north to try to put an end to a bloody clan dispute. Regrettably, these things sometimes get out of control. One death is avenged with another and the cycle can go on forever.

So the government and the House of Elders — a house of parliament representing the clans — have sent delegations to mediate the conflict. A written document will be signed and peace may perhaps return.

And that, Waran Ade told me, is the last part of the secret: Clans are not social clubs, they are not tame and gentle. They can be violent and bloody and fierce. But this is a land of blood and violence. You don’t defeat the devil if you are not fierce yourself, if your blood is not of the same land.

Bruno Maçães, a former Europe minister for Portugal, is a senior adviser at Flint Global in London and a nonresident senior fellow at the Hudson Institute in Washington. His book “The Dawn of Eurasia” was published by Penguin in January.

Politico Europe Edition

The defined territory is one of the physical elements of the state enshrined in the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States in 1933. Each state should have its own defined territory which distinguishes it from its neighbors and any other state, a permanent population, capacity to enter into relations with others and a functioning government.

Somaliland has one of the best demarcated boundaries in the world, and its boundaries are defined in separate treaties reached by the colonial masters who ruled once upon the time the colonies and protectorates in the Horn of Africa and elsewhere in the Third World. The colonial treaties signed between the British on the one hand, and the French (1888), Italians (1894) and Ethiopians (1897) on the other clearly demarcate the Somaliland boundaries.

Understanding the past is essential for resolving the current problems. Somaliland history isn’t a genetically modified history, rather, is an existing reality which can be accessed to the world archives and libraries, for instance, the British Library. Somaliland, where the peace, rule of law and stability prevails, its independence neither violates the OAU nor that of the AU Charters, which is against any alteration of the African political borders inherited from the European powers.

Certainly, Somalis are one ethnic group with one religion, language and culture. But they became the victim of the colonial powers who divided them into five different political entities in which each entity has its own political definitions and demarcations. In this case, if the legitimacy of the Somaliland territory was questioned, the same will also apply to the other parts of the region.

Somaliland isn’t the only entity which shares blood with Somalia, but, Somaliland people also have blood ties with those in Djibouti and the Somali Regional State in Ethiopia. But, this blood ties don’t necessarily legitimize that Somaliland could claim those people because of blood affinity. Not only Somaliland, but also, Somalia has a blood similarity with those in the Somali Region in Ethiopia and the Northeastern Region of Kenya, but they can’t claim because of obvious reasons.

Serving as the proxy of Somalia, Puntland repeatedly claims the Sool and Sanaag regions of Somaliland because of a blood affinity with those living in Somaliland. But, my question is: why they are hesitant to claim those who are living in Korahe and Wardheer Zones in the Somali Region in Ethiopia as well. Because they know the reality on the ground, and the consequences it entails if they do so.

I ask myself, why the international community represented by Keating or “Cheating” is still silent about this aggression against Somaliland. The role of Keating, who has the ultimate decision to denounce this aggression has remained missing or has never said a mumbling word about the illegitimate claim of Somalia.

Keating is part of the conflict and the war against Somaliland. Because he has always been reluctant about referring Somaliland as an independent entity from the rest of Somalia even he failed to conceal his discontent to Somaliland statehood and its success stories. Mr. Keating you may deny this fact-based criticism, but, the way you put Somaliland into ‘Quotation Mark’ shows your dissatisfaction and the war against the Somaliland’s claim as an independent entity from the war and terror-infested Somalia.

Keating and his colleagues in Villa Somalia can’t cover the sun on the palms of their hands; Somaliland is an existing reality, and it existed before Keating and it will exist without Keating. But, sometimes I question the authenticity of the Keating profile and if he is a genuine diplomat who served the UN and also represented his country in different world countries and stages. I also question if he fully grasped the history of his country and the colonies and protectorates once upon the time ruled by the Empire, which the sun never sets, the British Empire which he belongs to. Or the benefit he is getting from this project has blinded him.

I wonder if Keating is still responsible the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG) for Somalia. Because he neither criticized the aggression against the Somaliland territory nor requested the cessation of the hostility between the defender and the aggressor, Somaliland and Somalia respectively. This is a clear indication that he is part of the problem and upset about what happened to his favorite squad as they lost the battlefield. This is true when we see how he masked his face and the role of his office within the press release from what he described as the “Somalia Partners”. Concealing the role of SRSG is an indication that he and his office aren’t neutral to what is happening between this great nation (Somaliland) and the war and terror-infested Somalia.

It is unfortunate to see that Somalia has become the victim of Keating and his colleagues who neither has an interest to restore peace and stability nor ending the prolonged conflict and crisis of Somalia.

I want to tell you Mr. Keating that we aren’t a ghost, we are great people who have a great country called Somaliland, but, I assure you that defending our country and its territorial integrity is an obligation not an option until the last person is lost.Nasir M. Ali

The opinion expressed here does not necessarily reflect to any institution rather it is my personal view and impression.

Nasir M Ali  PhD Candidate

Since the collapse of the Somali central government in 1991, the United Nations intervention in that troubled part of the Horn of Africa has never been successful. From Boutros Boutros-Ghali to the newly appointed Secretary–General António Guterres they were and still remain dishonest about resolving Somalia’s agony and tragedy.

Since the UN intervention, there is an office “the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG) for Somalia” which closely monitors the situation in Somalia and provides periodic briefings and written reports to the UN Security Council.

What I can describe the “Commercialization” or “Commoditization” of the Somali state became the custom of those representatives and have never been honest about restoring peace and reconciliation within the Somalis in particular the south–central Somalia.

One of the most disgusting practices of the SRSG Office is being part of the Somalia’s problem and ally with one political segment of the Somalis for political and economic ends. This is jeopardizing the neutrality of the UN philosophy. The most recent example is the conflict and confrontation that are happening between the national army of the Republic of Somaliland, which is defending its territorial integrity and the boundaries it inherited from the United Kingdom of the Great Britain on 26 June, 1960, and the Puntland State of Somalia, an autonomous region within the Somalia’s Federal Government which is getting support from the Somalia’s fledgling federal government enslaved by Al Shabaab and AMISOM.

Keating, whom I believe is part of the conflict has never expressed his objection against the aggression that Puntland is threatening the peace and stability of the entire region. I strongly denounce the behavior of Keating for not being neutral in this situation and once again I try to recall him that the UN has failed to understand the complexity of the situation on the ground and the legal argument of Somaliland.

I am sure that your unbalanced policy and strategy against Somaliland will never discourage the Somaliland citizens who built this great nation which is the only functioning constitutional democracy in this troubled region without an international engagement and assistance. But, you will take the responsibility for what is happening in the region and its consequences as well.

I wonder if I call you Keating, but I prefer to say “Cheating” as your policies and strategies are going badly wrong direction and not helping the Somalis in general and this great nation (Somaliland) in particular.

Nasir M. Ali

Hargeisa, Somaliland

HARGEISA— The party of justice and development boss Mr.Faisal Ali Warabe has spoken about has spoken abou8t the war between Puntland and Somaliland in Tukaraq. He said that whoever tries to attack Somaliland will never succeed. The opposition called on the people of Somaliland to unite and fend off any violation of their countries sovereighty.

The party of justice chief was speaking during an exclusive interview with the Horn Newspaper in Hargeisa. He called all and sundry to take part the campaign to assist the cyclone Sagar victims who are languishing in destitution following loss of their livelihood.

“The border of Somaliland is well known it is a few kilometer from Garowe the capital of Puntland. Tukaraq is in Somaliland furthermore the Puntland administration has encroached into Somaliland territorial borders. Puntland and Somalia have conspired to attack Somaliland in many however in every encounter they have suffered heavy defeat at the hands of brave Somaliland soldiers.

The opposition boss called on all citizens of Somaliland in the country and abroad to help their brothers and sister who have suffered the brunt of cyclone Sagar. It is the holy month of Ramadan so I hope you take advantage of its reward and help those affected population of Awdal, Selel and Sayla’a.

Horn

Before I look at the budget in detail, I must say a word or two about the definition of budget. Budget is a financial plan that articulates the objectives and goals of a government for a certain period of time usually a year.

In other words, it is the government’s economic strategy for that period. But there are occasions when planning, instead of helpful, becomes harmful and sinful. According to Wikipedia “government budget is a government document presenting the government’s proposed revenues and spending for a financial year that is often passed by the legislature, approved by the chief executive or the president and presented by the Finance Minister to the nation.

On 31st March 2018, the Somaliland Minister of Finance presented long-delayed 2018 National budget to House of Representatives,  in this article using budget data from the 2018 Financial Year, I will make a number of analysis regarding the budget source of revenues, allocations, mismatches, and budget priorities. This will allow us to understand how the 2018 Government Budget allocations differ from the National Development Plan II and realities on the ground.

Somaliland Budget 2018 revenue is 156,857,142.9 USD,   going forward, the picture is rosy. A Government which allocates close to one-third of its income to security 31.24% and also neglects production sectors is a bad image. It is a government, which never wants to turn out to be a fully and effective working nation.

The 2018 Budget which has been approved by House of Representatives in April has major faults. Even though the country is reeling from various issues/complication which are not limited but included: long electioneering year, recurrent droughts, regional instability, and Skye rocketing inflation but with these all-important issues in our calendar, the budget hardly has any meaningful or evocative relation or correlation with current realities on the ground or the so-called National Development Plan.

This budget shows clear gaps of not only tax collection at large but also the large discrepancy of income lines, even though it was expected the dividend of Berbera port 2017 and 2018, as well as 10% income tax for 2017 and 2018 years, will be shown; that expectation now seems as remote as ever.   The overall income contains $156,857,142   Customs account largest amount 67.6% while Inland Revenue contributes only 16.1% and the rest contain 16.3%.

Nevertheless, building the capacity of finance ministry will enable to increase the revenue collection without increasing the exchange rate and tariffs because our GDP has been estimated 1.4 billion in 2012 adding only 5% each year will put us on 1.87 billion; developing countries on average tax 15 to 20% of their GDP which can make our revenue to tilt approximately 300 to 400 million dollars.

Telecommunication and Financial sectors seem to the least under taxed and have limited contribution of overall income despite handling at least Billion dollar.
The current budget has generously allocated the presidency more than its share. The Presidency which includes: Presidential guard, office of the President and the Vice has more budget than; 11 paramount Ministries and four magnificent institutions which includes: Ministry of Justice 0.4%, National Planning 0.7%, Commerce and Industry 0.9%, Energy & Minerals 0.4%, Agriculture 0.8%, Sports 0.7%, Environment 0.8%, Water 0.9%, Investment 0.3%, Labor and Social Affairs 0.6%, Religious Affairs 0.3%, Auditor General 0.7%, Civil Service Commission 0.6%, Attorney General 0.4% and the Tender Board Committee 0.1%.

Presidential guard has been lavishly allocated $2, 271,584 while the entire Intelligence community has been billed merely $1,230,403 this is not only shocking and ill-advised but counter productive and outrageous!

Despite the close to 160 million dollar budget, Education and Health has been ear marked only $20,085,161 which is little more than 20 million dollars, or in other words, it is 12.8 percent which is roughly 5 dollars per citizen per annum

Apparently, the government prefers propaganda than the fundamental bona fide issues related to livelihood and survival of the nation. Take, for instance, Ministry of Information has been allocated the gigantic amount of $3,893,348 while the neglected Foreign Ministry which couples our diplomatic offices abroad, the cost of lobby groups that greatly help us and our miss-treated recognition has been allocated less than 3 million dollars (2,962,262) isn’t that astonishing. To make, matters worse, the nformation Ministry has more budget than the combined Ministry of Agriculture andLivestock and Fishery.

In other words, the allocation of huge resources for a non-productive Information Ministry while at same time, abandoning crucial productive Ministries shows the mismatch of plans and budgets. It is unambiguous that there is not an only little consultation for the budget crafting plenary meetings but also little relation of budgets and the much-taunted National Development II. Frankly speaking we have upside down priorities!

The price of stable diets increased dramatically, and the government loathes to attempt to take a remedial action start a fresh plans which are realistic, attainable, reliable, consistent and sustainable economically to add on that, there has been tremendous economic calamity, the taxation was on the rise, this year alone, official exchange rate has been increased 40% which will likely make life harder to the poor.

Any, thing I admired? Yes, the production of tree planting, construction of subsurface dams and earth Dams, prevention of erosion, Rig drillings and funding the printing of school text books which will be expected to be freely distributed pupils are studying government-managed school’s country wide.

Finally, Somaliland budget has not attracted the attention of, Academia, Civil Society, Opposition Parties, and Media and there was no meaningful debate at parliament floor. That is the price we are paying profoundly. It not astonishing to miss chance but clearly this is another missed opportunity which will have an spillover effect for the years to come.

Yassin Abdillahi ahmed

Yassin_abdillahi@hotmail.com

4476758

Established in 1957 by the British to speak to the Somali-speaking region in the Horn of Africa, the BBC Somali Service was one of the most trusted Somali radio in history. Being neutral was the custom of the radio, which attracted the hearts and minds of the most Somali community both in the region and beyond.

Raphael Cohen-Almagor (2001) in his book “Speech, Media and Ethics, the Limits of Free Expression: Critical Studies on Freedom of Expression, Freedom of the Press and the Public’s Right to Know” argues that freedom of the press and media lies at the heart of the liberal doctrine and is formulated in all democratic constitutions. The freedom granted to the media is widely believed to mean to allow the expression of society’s various sub-cultures and classes, to voice a public opinion, and to serve as a means of transmitting messages between the public and their elected representatives. Basically, some might think that democracy should tolerate all forms and types of speech. But, and interestingly, democracy itself places careful limitations upon freedom of action and freedom of speech. Freedom of speech is a guiding principle and one of the foundations of democracy, but at the same time, freedom does not necessarily imply anarchy, and the right to exercise free expression does not include the right to do unjustified harm to others.

The BBC is one of the institutions founded by a liberal country to advocate freedom of speech and expression in which objectivity or objective reporting is one of its principles. Unfortunately, the BBC Somali Service regarded by many as the only neutral radio station within the Somalis seems missing objective reporting. This isn’t an easy criticism, but, established to provide news services to all Somalis without biasing; the BBC Somali Service is usually seen servicing to the Somalia fledging government, its allies and its interests, and on the other hand exaggerating any negative news against Somaliland to damage its reputation.

Some may argue that Somaliland is a democratic state and democracy should tolerate all forms and types of speech. But, this argument isn’t necessarily valid; harming the hard-won peace and stability for the sake of foreign actors is unacceptable. The BBC Somali Service isn’t objective in their reporting because it failed to avoid selecting the negative news against Somaliland and interpret it the way it wants and it wishes.

This radio was the house of the most respected Somali journalists and reporters who served both of Somalia’s civil administrations and the military government (1960–1991). Those journalists by respecting the ethics of the media distanced their emotion and impression from their profession. Not only the objectivity they adhered to, but also, they were introducing Somali vocabularies equivalent to the other world vocabularies in meaning. This effort was important to the radio and contributing to the improvement of the Somali language and literature as well.

This is contrary to the current BBC Somali Service staff in which most of them if not all can’t convince their audiences due to their poor Somali language let alone introduce new vocabulary. For this reason, it is valid to raise this question which could seem critical: why the nature of the BBC Somali Service is changing in terms of quality staff and objectivity. This could be linked to a number of factors include, a) lack of proper employment, and, b) widespread nepotism and favoritism, to name but a few. These two factors are the major factors which hamper the quality and neutrality of the BBC Somali Service in the recent years.

Giving the emphasis on this argument, one of the major challenges facing the current Somali Service of the BBC is lack of professional journalists and reporters, and indeed, such an institution should have responsible journalists as it has before. Missing the professional ethics led the BBC reports to bias and go against Somaliland interest. There are wealthy of examples to mention in regards to BBC’s conspiracy not only against Somaliland statehood but also clearly demonstrate how the BBC is destabilizing the peace and stability of Somaliland and lacking objectivity in their reporting.

One of the most negative and intentionally aired news was the one transmitted in September 2017; when the Somalis in the Somali region in Ethiopia and their neighbour, the Oromos, have had a conflict. The BBC knowingly stated that killing two Oromo people by Somaliland Police in Hargeisa prompted the Somali–Oromo conflict in Ethiopia. This was absolutely an unprofessional lying.

This type of news from one of the most trusted Somali radio station has shocked the hearts and minds of those who had a little sympathy and trust to the BBC. This isn’t the only war of the BBC against Somaliland, but, before a month, they deliberately translated an interview from the Emirates State Minister for Foreign Affairs, which rocked the Somaliland citizens and created mistrust between the citizens and the state. This interview, which instigated the debate within Somaliland, was aired by the BBC Arabic Service a year before. This is a valid question: why the BBC Somali Service has translated this interview and aired it after a year.

The current BBC Somali Service staff is lacking two essential elements: a) critical thinking, and, b) sense of objectivity. An absence of a critical thinking with intellectual depth and the necessary tools to think independently, to question and criticize, engage in collaborative work and be open-minded about alternative points of view in the media is their major problem if not the sole factor. This could be linked to the argument that the BBC Somali Service staff has been employed by the Somali Service without following the proper procedure and channel. Thus, fail to present the public neutral and constructive ideas. Another fundamental factor is lacking an objective reporting which is a necessary component of media ethics to narrate an unbiased reporting and cover a given story in a fair and accurate manner. These are the fundamental elements of the media ethics which the current staff is entirely missing.

Therefore, the BBC is expected to address those challenges and bring back the trust it has had within the Somalis once upon the time as many Somali citizens are nostalgic about the old days of the BBC. In doing so, it should generate responsive and responsible journalists to serve the Somali people without bias. This is what the old BBC reporters and journalists have managed to do and had won the hearts and minds of the Somali people in the entire region and beyond.

It is clear that the BBC has its own weaknesses and challenges; however, one can never downplay the role of the BBC in the war against Somaliland and being one of the tools of Somalia’s fledgeling government to destabilize the peace and stability of Somaliland.

To overcome this challenge and discourage such those institutions, the Somaliland Ministry of Information mandated to preserve the national security and interest through the media should:

1. Establish a monitoring Office. This Office should closely monitor the coverage of the radios and the TVs, including the BBC Somali Service and the VOA. If this Office does exist, it should allocate a budget and increase its staff to monitor those radios and privately-owned TVs.
2. The Somaliland Ministry of Information should give an ultimatum to any institution that is against the peace and stability of Somaliland and its political interest, including the BBC, the VOA, and the privately-owned TVs.
3. The Somaliland Diaspora whose role has been positive since the 1980s, 1990s, and until today should also take their role in challenging this dying radio station, the BBC Somali Service, and any other radio station or TV which is against the interest of Somaliland.

By Nasir M. Ali

HARGEISA–Renowned Sheikh Mustafa Haji Ismael Harun and Sheikh Mohammed Omar Dirir have called on the Somaliland government and Puntland administration of Somalia  authorities to stop the war and spilling of Muslims blood in the holy month of Ramadan, and instead do righteous deeds and Fear Almighty Allah. The two Mullahs were speaking in their respective mosques during the Friday congregation prayers.  They called on both sides to cease hostilities and sit on the negotiation table.

Sheikh Dirir was speaking from Rusheye Mosque situated at the heart of Hargeisa he said that Muslims blood is sacred and should not be spilled because of clans or governments wars.

Sheikh Dirir requested the government not to allow a third party to mediate the war and instead initiate talks with the Puntland and Somalia administration directly.

“You can see that whenever there is a war the transport network between the two countries is compromised. The people are not fighting so the politicians should clear these mess once and for all.

In another development Sheikh Mustafa speaking from Ambassador Mosque stated “These people who have standing and respect in the society should know that if they stop this war they will get reward in the hereafter and in this world. Please stop the senseless war whereby Muslim blood is being spilled for no reason and fear Allah Almighty.”

horn

In philosophy as well as in the science of logic there has been a fundamental question about which one comes first, Existence or Thought. This question has been one of the most critical theoretical issues about life that confronted humanity in general and scholars of all-ages since Aristotle in particular. In our times too, the clarity about this issue is a pivotal point at every question concerning dynamism of life and human progress. This argument is relevant not only to the modern scope of human cognition but also constitutes a matter of urgent prerequisite for the politicians and practitioners concerning their ability to stand as pioneers for the creation of innovative ideas and new strategic thinking for change.

Historically, a new way of thinking has always been the vehicle through which humanity has crossed the borders of darkness to the age of enlightenment towards the opening of new opportunities for shaping a better future for human societies. Moreover, the universally accepted truth is that there is no thought without existence and there is no progress without scientific based world outlook.

Essentially, the Peace and State building achievements anywhere in the world had been closely connected to an objective review to the issues under consideration through the scope of scientific interpretation of history, the present as well as the future prospect of events that occur in life. In order to put this abstract issue in a simple perspective, we need to bring our attention to one practical aspect applicable to the contemporary societies. The lack of an elaborated strategic roadmap any honest effort toward socioeconomic development becomes unfeasible and unrealizable and the same is true to the foreign policy of any country in the world.

That means, with the absence of a well explained visionary theorem for the Somaliland foreign policy the reality remained a continuation of stagnancy and without progress. In fact the same material existence persisted since 2010, where structures and a number of dutiful humans of men and women with great potential competencies but without the weapon of theory to enlighten their minds regarding the road to progress and to recompense what they lacked about national foreign policy strategy.

As an outcome of this stagnancy all opportunities for gaining the ability to move forward were lost and to ascending above the day-to-day random engagements which continued in the form of appointments, meetings, visits, assignments, and even serious commitments to dealing with daily issues ended up in vain. This is because of the obscurity about national blueprint designed for the recognition strategy with short, medium and long-term arrangements, and with vibrant priorities to underline which country or group of countries, sub-region, continents ought to be set as the first, second or third priority so that to be given more attention than others. With this reality, the actual status quo remained static and motionless and whatever resources and honest efforts that had been infested in the quest for recognition the outcome largely persisted ineffective compared with the remarkable achievements that were realized over the years in the internal front.

In reality, however, there is a historical necessity to understand that the required strategic oriented foreign policy for Somaliland begins with the following question; is there a gap of understanding between the engineers of the Somaliland foreign policy and the rest of the world, the answer is affirmative. Unfortunately, the gap of understanding between Somaliland foreign policy presentation and the level of the contemporary readings vis-à-vis foreign policy performance and the rest of the international community’s conceptual understanding remained unbridgeable and continuously been widening until, finally, a disengagement occurred with the Silaanyo,s administration.

The relationship with both the region and the world at large reached its lowest level with the Ahmed Silaanyo’s regime. A Western Scholar and friend of Somaliland told me this; ‘We don’t have anything in common to work with the Silaanyo’s government with the exception of a limited security areas, because we don’t know even with whom we can deal, and added, Adam, you should know why Somaliland is still  in lack of recognition, with all those good things you have done, and with the three best foreign ministers in the world you had, Mr. Gees, Late Facade, and lady Eden Adem, they are knowledgeable people and with high morality standards’’, he continued by saying ‘’to my opinion, it is because you did not disavow yourself and disengaged from the Somali Irredentism and the crimes committed on its terms, the Ogden war, for instance, one of the most devastating conflict in the region in centuries.

At the moment, it is already a known fact that the Somaliland foreign policy’s ability is much shorter than ever to be able to define the political and legal challenges that this country faces concerning the regional and international relations, as a result of which all practical endeavors in search of recognition have ended up with failure.

The following is a modest attempt from my point of view to envisage the space and scope of these challenges by addressing to only one fundamental issue which constitutes the key problem that stands against the self-determination and recognition of Somaliland and in a very concise manner, because the magnitude of such a critical task requires to be tasked to a group of political and legal experts in a bid to achieve a comprehensive position paper about these challenges.

The core challenge comprises of both political and legality aspects and the decisive prerequisite to be dealt with are to recognize the root cause of the Somali crisis as a concrete reality. This reality has entered into international political literature as the “Somali Question”. On this very point lies the need to sort out how the interconnection of the Greater Somalia Ideology and the entire system of the practical policies of the Somali ruling elite since the 1960s led to the disastrous regional and internal wars, and why under the plights of these wars and their consequences the Somali people in both Somalia and Somaliland are still experiencing their agonizing outcome in different levels and dimensions. There is a need to reason why Somalia has fallen into the cycle of Political Islam, foreign intervention and the apathy of the corrupt elite, while at the same time Somaliland remained in a diplomatic limbo and isolation when it has fulfilled all the requirements according to Montevideo convention of 1933 as a criterion required for statehood.

A more serious concern is the prevailing belief amongst the general public and the elite in Somalia that these predicaments came as a result of an external conspiracy alone, which is a reflection of an absolute simplicity of the layman’s daily awareness while overlooking the destructive internal factor that originated from the anti-democratic and warmonger Somali politicians. As a result of these policies, the International community’s major concerns about the peace in the Horn of African region rests in the fear from the Somali Irredentistas an ideology as well as official policy of Somalia and related the question that the peace in the Horn of African region can’t be endured so long as this ideological thinking is in place. The ‘Qalbi-Dhax’ issue in the Somalia Parliament is a case in point. The pure Ethnic based creed in politics has an unlimited common space of Similarity with the Nazism and Fascism. These policies remained the basic root cause of all those disastrous bloody events that today’s problems and predicaments emanated.

Moreover, the Somali Irredentism has different levels and scopes, but for the same allegiance and adherence. An important aspect here embodies in the reason behind the conflict between the Puntland regional state of Somalia and Somaliland. On one side stands a multi-clan based country of Somaliland, which comprises of different clans such as Issaqs, Daroods, Gadabursi, Iissas, and minority Somali clans within the bounders left behind by the European Colonialism, which is the case anywhere in Africa. And on the other side a single Somali clan-based state of Puntland, a phenomenon which is a clear representation of Somali Irredentism (Issr-raac). However, one can’t simply blame those young generations of leadership whether in Puntland or there in the Center in Mogadishu because that is what they have inherited from the older generation of the Somali politicians.

Nevertheless, the only conceivable exit out of this horrible page of the history of Irredentism and related disastrous legacy is to abandon it not only politically but also legally and morally. Such an extraordinary step would lead to new opportunities favorable for Somalis to speak to the world with contemporary language, thereafter, the argument with confidence that territorial claims on any country in this region by the side of Somaliland would constitutionally be outlawed. And maintenance of democratic Somaliland remains the only historical alternative.

The very responsibility to uncover this impasse is on the shoulders of the Ministry of the foreign relations, which its main task is to put these facts on the front of the political leadership and with crafting different options for the leadership to consider, in other words, the most urgent task to the Somaliland foreign policy designers is to sort out the best end to the desolation and disengagement of the ideology of Irredentism (Issir-raac) and in order to be clear and predictable there is an urgent need to denounce any territorial claims on any of the neighboring countries. This should have been the direction and engagement of the Ministry of the Foreign Affairs from the very outset.

By Ambassador Adam Jibril Musa