The second part of our report on Yemeni refugees in Somaliland looks at how they have become part of the breakaway region’s struggle for international recognition, leaving them in awkward limbo.

STRANDED IN SOMALILAND – Part 1

Asthma Nibah can speak the language of the country where she has sought refuge. Growing up in Yemen, her stepmother was Somali, so as a young girl she learned the distinctive language from across the Red Sea.

Now a grandmother herself, she fled her native city of Aden last year after her granddaughter died of a curable disease amid the collapse of Yemen’s health system. Many hospitals in the Gulf country have been burned down, and those still standing can be dangerous, she says, as soldiers use them for cover.

At first sight, Somaliland, a non-country, not recognized by the international community as separate from Somalia and one of the poorest places on earth, is an unlikely place of refuge. But its history and culture, intertwined as they are with Yemen, was the obvious destination for Asthma and her surviving granddaughters, just as it has been for many other Yemenis.

It is not unusual for refugees to find themselves in poor countries. More than 80 percent of the world’s refugees are hosted in developing nations. But being a refugee in Somaliland is uniquely complicated.

Despite its ambitions to statehood, and the stability that Somaliland offers in sharp contrast to Somalia, the northern breakaway is no closer to winning international recognition. This statelessness affects all aspects of life and survival.

The majority of Yemeni refugees in Somaliland arrived in the ruined port of Berbera from which they must make their own way to the capital, Hargeisa. Awaiting them is the immigration department and Mohamed Ali Yusef, its general director.

There are no databases, no computers, everything is done manually, he explains. “We barely have capacity for ourselves,” says Hassan Omar, a Somali-Canadian who works as a consultant for the immigration department.

Yemeni business owners stand in front of their shop in Hargeisa. Yemeni migrants have been traveling to Somaliland for work opportunities well before the conflict in Yemen. (Ashley Hamer)

No one here disputes the carnage that Yemenis like Asthma are fleeing. “Total destruction is taking place in Yemen,” says Yusef. “Civilians are facing sophisticated weapons and they cannot resist.”

Nonetheless, the refugees have found themselves drawn into Somaliland’s battle for recognition. Roughly half of the arrivals from Yemen have some form of Somali origin. Under its rules, the U.N. refugee agency does not recognize these people as refugees. To the UNHCR they are returnees.

This is bitterly contested by the Somaliland government. Not only does it mean that the arrivals get none of the U.N. benefits associated with refugee status, making them a costly burden on a penniless administration, it is another reminder of Somaliland’s lack of statehood.

The government in Hargeisa argues that those whose origins are in Somalia are foreign arrivals in Somaliland and should be treated as refugees, not returnees. While Somaliland presses its argument with the U.N., hoping for a symbolic victory, many of those who fled the war in Yemen wait amid uncertainty.

Nizar Foazi’s identification documents and Yemeni passport. He says many Yemenis and Somali-Yemenis have fled to Somaliland without their ID documents because they had to run away so quickly. (Ashley Hamer)

Nizar Foazi, the head of Yemeni Community, a local refugee support group, says these arguments must not distract from what is going on in Yemen itself. He fled in April last year after a rocket attack destroyed his home in the capital, Sana’a. There are now checkpoints and snipers everywhere, he says, and outside the city massacres have become routine: “You can’t say you are safe in any place [in Yemen].”

The conflict in Yemen started in March 2015, when Houthi rebel forces took over Sana’a and allied themselves with forces loyal to former president Ali Abdullah Saleh. Then President Abd-Rabbu Mansur Hadi moved to Aden, backed by military support from Saudi Arabia. What started as an insurgency quickly escalated into full conflict, with more than 2.5 million people displaced inside the country and no sign of an approaching peace.

Yemeni Community was originally set up as a business enterprise for Yemeni immigrants coming to Somaliland. It has since pivoted to become a support network for the refugees, and Foazi says some of the support comes from his own pocket. “This came all of a sudden and we didn’t want to refuse help,” he said.

One of the children in the family, Salim, saw his friend’s face blown off when he picked up a grenade in Yemen in 2015. Salim’s mother Daifa says her son hasn’t been the same since the incident. (Ashley Hamer)

Now Foazi lives in a rambling house with two bathrooms and a flat-screen TV in Hargeisa with 22 other family members. He managed to organize passage for his own family, as well as his brother’s and aunt’s families. His brother was employed as an engineer in Yemen.

There are international and local security concerns that the influx from Yemen may be used as a cover for members of terror groups to enter the Horn of Africa, where Somali extremists al-Shabaab are already active.

“We’re between Shabaab, ISIS and al-Qaida,” says Ali Yusef. “So we worry about who is coming, and if they are from a fundamentalist group.”

So far, it appears that most of the refugees and returnees are traumatized civilians – many families with young children like Salim, 13, who saw his friend’s face blown off when he picked up a grenade while the two were playing.

Young Yemeni refugees wait in the UNHCR compound in Hargeisa to receive donated “dignity kits” for women. The kits include sanitary products, clean underwear, toiletries, as well as information about their rights and what support they are entitled to as refugees in Somaliland. (Ashley Hamer)

Salim’s mother, Daifa, holds back tears as she explains that her son has not been the same since the incident. Even though the mother and son are Yemeni, the overwhelmed authorities in Somaliland have yet to give them refugee status. Meanwhile, Daifa has a chronic blood pressure problem that she cannot afford to treat.

There can be little doubt though that she and her family are refugees. Daifa wants peace and the chance to take her family home: “If things are settled, I can return tomorrow.”

News Deep

Samale sitting next to Musa Bihi, Kulmiye presidential candidate, Musa Bihi

HARGEISA— The long-standing rivalry between the former finance minister, Abdiasis Mohamed Samale and the current Kulmiye ruling party chairman and presidential contender, Musa Bihi has come to an end and it is apparent that the two sides have buried the hatchets.

Mr. Samale who was a staunch ally of the defected ministers from the ruling party has attended the first party executive council. The ex-minister has left the party in fury after president Silanyo endorsed the current Kulmiye chairman, Musa Bihi to be the flag bearer. Mr. Samale has accused the president that he sided with Musa Bihi over the party leadership contest.

The two main rivals have brought the long-standing nemesis to a halt after the two men have been seen sitting next to each other. The two men have not come together since the rift within the ruling party. Mr. Samale has decided to stop the feud that left the party to divide and slip into camps. Kulmiye ruling party is among the three political parties that are about to contest the upcoming elections in Somaliland.

Protesters chant slogans during a demonstration over what they say is unfair distribution of wealth in the country at Meskel Square in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, August 6, 2016. REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri

Ethiopia is multi ethnic nation, to name a  few Afar, Amhara, Gurage, Oromo, Somali and Tigre. From emperor Menelik up until Derg led by Mangistu Haile Mariam, Ethiopia was ruled by a single Ethnic group Amhara, the  national language has been  Amharic. Schools were taught in Amharic from K-6TH grade and from 7th grade-12th grade schools were  taught in English while Amharic was taught as a language and literature, which all non Amhara ethnic groups had resented and had no choice but to learn.

Before the overthrow of Emperor Haile Selase in 1974 by  the brutal socialist  Derg military government led by Mangistu Haile Mariam. EPRP, Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party, Marxist Leninist  was already in the works, a movement created in 1972  by students,teachers intellectuals, workers and farmers, from all walks of Ethiopians ethnic groups aimed to change what it called the feudal system of Emperor Haile Selase to Socialist system for the workers party, an inclusive system which would  satisfy all ethnic groups.

In the unrecognized autonomous region of Somaliland, literacy is more than an educational goal. It’s an economic lifeline to the diaspora who provide most of the country’s economic support.

http://www.npr.org/2016/08/16/490174033/book-fair-aims-to-help-change-somalilands-oral-culture?

DJIBOUTI CITY, Aug 15 2016 (IPS) – Bags of wheat speed down multiple conveyor belts to be heaved onto trucks lined up during the middle of a blisteringly hot afternoon beside the busy docks of Djibouti Port.

Once loaded, the trucks set off westward toward Ethiopia carrying food aid to help with its worst drought for decades.

With crop failures ranging from 50 to 90 percent in parts of the country, Ethiopia, sub-Saharan Africa’s biggest wheat consumer, was forced to seek international tenders and drastically increase wheat purchases to tackle food shortages effecting at least 10 million people.

This resulted in extra ships coming to the already busy port city of Djibouti, and despite the hive of activity and efforts of multitudes of workers, the ships aren’t being unloaded fast enough. The result: a bottleneck with ships stuck out in the bay unable to berth to unload.

“We received ships carrying aid cargo and carrying fertilizer at the same time, and deciding which to give priority to was a challenge,” says Aboubaker Omar, chairman and CEO of Djibouti Ports and Free Zones Authority (DPFZA). “If you give priority to food aid, which is understandable, then you are going to face a problem with the next crop if you don’t get fertilizer to farmers on time.”

Since mid-June until this month, Ethiopian farmers have been planting crops for the main cropping season that begins in September. At the same time, the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization has been working with the Ethiopian government to help farmers sow their fields and prevent drought-hit areas of the country from falling deeper into hunger and food insecurity.

Spring rains that arrived earlier this year, coupled with ongoing summer rains, should increase the chances of more successful harvests, but that doesn’t reduce the need for food aid now—and into the future, at least for the short term.

“The production cycle is long,” says FAO’s Ethiopia country representative Amadou Allahoury. “The current seeds planted in June and July will only produce in September and October, so therefore the food shortage remains high despite the rain.”

Port workers, including Agaby (right), make the most of what shade is available between trucks being filled with food aid destined to assist with Ethiopia’s ongoing drought. Credit: James Jeffrey/IPS

As of the middle of July, 12 ships remained at anchorage outside Djibouti Port waiting to unload about 476,750 metric tonnes of wheat—down from 16 ships similarly loaded at the end of June—according to information on the port’s website. At the same time, four ships had managed to dock carrying about 83,000 metric tonnes of wheat, barley and sorghum.

“The bottleneck is not because of the port but the inland transportation—there aren’t enough trucks for the aid, the fertilizer and the usual commercial cargo,” Aboubaker says.

It’s estimated that 1,500 trucks a day leave Djibouti for Ethiopia and that there will be 8,000 a day by 2020 as Ethiopia tries to address the shortage.

But so many additional trucks—an inefficient and environmentally damaging means of transport—might not be needed, Aboubaker says, if customs procedures could be sped up on the Ethiopian side so it doesn’t take current trucks 10 days to complete a 48-hour journey from Djibouti to Addis Ababa to make deliveries.

“There is too much bureaucracy,” Aboubaker says. “We are building and making efficient roads and railways: we are building bridges but there is what you call invisible barriers—this documentation. The Ethiopian government relies too much on customs revenue and so doesn’t want to risk interfering with procedures.”

Ethiopians are not famed for their alacrity when it comes to paperwork and related bureaucratic processes. Drought relief operations have been delayed by regular government assessments of who the neediest are, according to some aid agencies working in Ethiopia.

And even once ships have berthed, there still remains the challenge of unloading them, a process that can take up to 40 days, according to aid agencies assisting with Ethiopia’s drought.

“I honestly don’t know how they do it,” port official Dawit Gebre-ab says of workers toiling away in temperatures around 38 degrees Celsius that with humidity of 52 percent feel more like 43 degrees. “But the ports have to continue.”

The port’s 24-hour system of three eight-hour shifts mitigates some of the travails for those working outside, beyond the salvation of air conditioning—though not entirely.

Scene from Djibouti Port. Credit: James Jeffrey/IPS

“We feel pain everywhere, for sure,” Agaby says during the hottest afternoon shift, a fluorescent vest tied around his forehead as a sweat rag, standing out of the sun between those trucks being filled with bags of wheat from conveyor belts. “It is a struggle.”

To help get food aid away to where it is needed and relieve pressure on the port, a new 756 km railway running between Djibouti and Ethiopia was brought into service early in November 2015—it still isn’t actually commissioned—with a daily train that can carry about 2,000 tonnes, Aboubaker says. Capacity will increase further once the railway is fully commissioned this September and becomes electrified, allowing five trains to run carrying about 3,500 tonnes each.

Djibouti also has three new ports scheduled to open in the second half of the year—allowing more ships to dock—while the one at Tadjoura will have another railway line going westward to Bahir Dar in Ethiopia. This, Aboubaker explains, should connect with the railway line currently under construction in Ethiopia running south to north to connect the cities of Awash and Mekele, further improving transport and distribution options in Ethiopia.

“Once the trains are running in September we hope to clear the backlog of vessels within three months,” Aboubaker says.

The jam at the port has highlighted for Ethiopia—not that it needs reminding—its dependency on Djibouti. Already about 90 percent of Ethiopia’s trade goes through Djibouti. In 2005 this amounted to two million tonnes and now stands at 11 million tonnes. During the next three years it is set to increase to 15 million tonnes.

Hence Ethiopia has long been looking to diversify its options, strengthening bilateral relations with Somaliland through various Memorandum Of Understandings (MOU) during the past couple of years.

The most recent of these stipulated about 30 percent of Ethiopia’s imports shifting to Berbera Port, which this May saw Dubai-based DP World awarded the concession to manage and expand the underused and underdeveloped port for 30 years, a project valued at about $442 million and which could transform Berbera into another major Horn of Africa trade hub.

But such is Ethiopia’s growth—both in terms of economy and population; its current population of around 100 million is set to reach 130 million by 2025, according to the United Nations—that some say it’s going to need all the ports it can get.

“Ethiopia’s rate of development means Djibouti can’t satisfy demand, and even if Berbera is used, Ethiopia will also need [ports in] Mogadishu and Kismayo in the long run, and Port Sudan,” says Ali Toubeh, a Djiboutian entrepreneur whose container company is based in Djibouti’s free trade zone.

Meanwhile as night descends on Djibouti City, arc lights dotted across the port are turned on, continuing to blaze away as offloading continues and throughout the night loaded Ethiopian trucks set out into the hot darkness.

“El Niño will impact families for a long period as a number of them lost productive assets or jobs,” Amadou says. “They will need time and assistance to recover.”

NAIROBI, Kenya — United States forces assisted Somali commandos in killing several members of the Shabab militant group in an attack last week, an American military spokesman said on Tuesday, but it was not clear whether any high-level operatives had been eliminated.

The raid took place last Wednesday, when a contingent of elite American troops acting as military advisers accompanied Somali forces in an assault on a Shabab checkpoint in Saakow, a remote outpost in southern Somaliathat has become a notorious hide-out for the militants.

As the Somali-led force approached the checkpoint, the militants opened fire, setting off a gun battle, said Lt. Cmdr. Anthony Falvo, a spokesman for the United States military’s Africa Command. Three Shabab militants were killed; no American soldiers were hurt.

“U.S. advisers accompanied the Somali-led force, which is standard for what we do in that area,” said Commander Falvo, who added that the American forces were armed but did not participate in the firefight.

The Shabab, a Somali militant organization that has sworn allegiance to Al Qaeda, run several illegal checkpoints in Saakow, where they raise funds by taxing residents and merchants for moving goods through the area.

Rumors have been circulating in Nairobi that the Shabab’s leader, Abu Ubaidah, was killed in an American strike in Saakow last week. But Commander Falvo said that the American military was assessing the results from the operation, and that it was too early to determine whether any senior Shabab commanders had been killed.

The Somali news media reported that a second raid was conducted in Saakow on Saturday. Commander Falvo said he did not have any information about such an operation. He added that if there had been a raid, no American military forces were involved.

Somalia remains in a dangerous state of limbo, with a weak central government and hundreds if not thousands of Shabab fighters operating across the country.

The nation, one of the world’s poorest, is scheduled to hold an election this year to choose its Parliament and president, but security fears and the decrepit state of public institutions mean that citizens will not vote directly. Instead, clan elders will select delegates, who will then choose the politicians.

Somalia has lurched from crisis to crisis since 1991, when the central government collapsed and warlords from different clans fought over the spoils.

Hundreds of thousands of people have died from famine, disease and conflict. In recent years, the Shabab have killed countless civilians in Somalia, Kenya and Uganda.

New YorkTimes

The International Federation of Journalists has joined its affiliate, the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ), in calling on the Somaliland authorities to stop the criminal persecution of journalists and independent media accused of publishing so-called false news and defaming President Silanyo and his close circle.

Editors-in-chief Mohamed Mohamud Yusuf, from privately owned Foore newspaper, and Muse Farah Jambir, responsible for Ogaal newspaper, have recently been accused of publishing “false news” against the President’s family and some ministers, NUSOJ reported.

Yusuf is also accused of disturbing public order, anti-national propaganda and public incitement through fabrication following an article published in Foore in May called “Is it true that 15 to 35% of what Somaliland is due to receive from Dubai Port for managing Berbera port will go to the family of Somaliland President Silanyo and their closest ministers?”.

Reports said Jambir is facing trial after he was accused of defaming and smearing the President and the First Lady of Somaliland by publishing allegations relating to the privatization of Petroleum tanks in the port city of Berbera and the interests of Somaliland’s first family in these deals with businessmen.

In a statement the IFJ said: “We strongly protest against the judicial harassment of Somaliland journalists and independent newspapers through ongoing criminal persecution. These cases intend to censor, intimidate and silence independent media and to instil fear among journalists who dare to hold public officials to account”.

IFJ and NUSOJ called on national authorities to drop all charges levelled against these journalists and to ensure the protection of all reporters from unfair judicial harassment and persecution in relation to their media activities.

IFJ

Somalia’s first female presidential candidate and human rights activist Fadumo Dayib hopes to rebuild post-conflict Somalia through strong political leadership and social change, but her progressive views means she has become the target of a hate campaign.

The daughter of Somali parents living as refugees in Kenya, Dayib fled to Europe in the early 1990s when war broke out in Somalia. Despite arriving as an asylum seeker, the 43-year-old became a “pioneer” in the Somali community in Finland.

Dayib is the first Somali female refugee to study for two masters’ degrees in Finland – as well as a third one from Harvard – before gaining employment as a critical nurse in a university hospital and going on to work for the United Nations spending several years in Somalia – one of the worst countries in the world to be a woman today.

In spite of the myriad obstacles, Dayib declared her ambitions in September 2014 to run in Somalia’s first democratically-held elections since 1967, a poll that could well test the war-torn and fragmented nation‘s political transformation. (Read more: Who is Fadumo Dayib, Somalia’s first female presidential hopeful?)

Why we must negotiate with al-Shabab

Somalia’s path to recovery must be based on several development pillars; tackling the long protracted civil conflict and prevalent insecurity blamed on al-Qaeda affiliated group called al-Shabab, and the consequent lack of proper socio-economic structures.

The mother-of-four, who grew up in the heat of Somalia’s civil war, says she has a message to share with her fellow Somalis. The key to peace and reconciliation in Somalia is not the gun, neither is it dynamite, and national security can only be restored through negotiations with al-Shabab, and the abolition of Somalia’s clan and patronage system.

“We must be able to learn to dialogue, even with the ones that are the most despicable and loathsome (…) and that is why I’m willing to have this dialogue to negotiate with al-Shabab. It’s not that I love them or I’m their biggest fan or anything like that, but violence doesn’t get us anywhere. If it (violence) were the only solution we would have peace in Somalia – yet it isn’t, so we must inculcate in people’s heads that dialogue could also work,” she tells IBTimes UK in an exclusive interview.

“Lets us talk about issues instead of picking up guns and killings, blowing each other up.”

Abolishing Somalia’s ‘harmful’ caste system

Hoping to make human rights central to her campaign in the conflict-ridden nation, Dayib intends to tackle “harmful traditional practices”. In her eyes, racial and caste prejudice in the country stems from a system “similar to the white supremacy ideology, akin to Nazi ideology, similar to the segregationist apartheid ideology in South Africa, or the Hindu caste system”.

“I want to tackle the issue of ethnic cleansing of marginalised clans by the bigger clans. I want to tackle the human rights violations that happen inside Somalia, to make sure that we are able to respect the rule of law inside the country. I am grappling with the ethical dilemma: why would I want to run in a system that seeks to silence me, that has made me invisible for 26 years?”

The traditional clan system allows for the denial of human rights to minority clans, who thus face economic marginalisation. Dayib believes this discrimination is further compounded by “the oppressive 4.5 clan system”, a clan-based electoral model where major government positions are split between the four main clans through a quota system. Under the system, the four majority clans each receive 61 delegates while the remaining minority clans only receive 31 delegates combined.

In place in Somalia since 2000, the power-sharing system discriminates against traditionally marginalised clans by “unfairly” distributing national parliamentarian seats between “majority” clans – the Darod, Dir, Hawiye and Rahaweyn – and the other “minority” clans.

“Once we go beyond this sick system, then everything will be fine – Somalis have not had the ability or opportunity to vote for whoever they wanted in office for the past 48 years. How can you want to stabilise the country by using something that is so divisive, that has everyone fighting against each other?”

Earlier this month, Somalia announced its timetable for the polls, with presidential elections scheduled for October. Somalia’s National Leadership Forum endorsed the time-table under which a new federal parliament will be decided between 24 September and 10 October, and a president on 30 October.

International community should not fund ‘backward, unjust, oppressive system’

The presidential candidate, however, has been urging for the authorities to drop the 4.5 system, and admits that, should it remain in place, she may reconsider her electoral campaign.

“I have to think that, in all likelihood, I will not run in such a corrupt system, but will instead give up everything that I have here (Finland) to go and start that social movement inside the country, putting myself at risk and work on that to ensure that we pave the way for democratic elections by 2020″, after a multi-party system is installed by 2018.

In her view, the international community and foreign donors – who have so far committed US$156.4m of humanitarian assistance to Somalia since the start of 2016 – should maintain pressure on the UN-backed national government to support a more participatory system, that does not clash with modern democratic values.

“There is no way we should allow a country that is in the 21st century to use that kind of segregationist exclusionary governance system, using donor funding. If they want to do this kind of thing, they (the Somali government) should fund that nonsense – British taxpayers should not be indulging such nonsense by allowing their funding to be used like that because, by doing so, they are working against good governance, against democracy by silencing 99% of Somalis who are comprised of women and the youth,” Dayib argues.

“This system only allows men who are older – 50 and above – who come from very elite families to go into politics, and they want to stay there. So, we should do everything possible to ensure that we do not indulge such a backward, unjust, oppressive system by feeding it, by giving it funding.”

Somalia needs ‘to live within its means’

To reverse the nation’s reliance on foreign aid, government resources need to be redistributed and used in a more sensible manner, Dayib explains.

“Somalia is too reliant on donor aid. To me, that is due to incompetence and laziness. We do have the means and through proper budget forecasting could allocate strategically to the key areas – for example security – instead of putting more than $4m into the executive office and that being used solely for travel around the world,” she advocates.

Describing how “paying exhorbitant salaries attracts the wrong kind of people into politics”, Dayib is campaigning for executive salaries to be pegged at a reasonable level.

“They know politics is the quickest way to get rich in Somalia. That is insane that, in a country where more than 70% are living on less than $2 a day, you have a president who is on the top list of most highly-paid presidents in Africa.” According to the Africa Review, in 2015, Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud – who won the 2012 elections – was the eighth highest-earning African head of state, with an annual salary of US$120,000.

Dayib’s solution involves a mix of austerity measures, “if you want to live within your means”, which includes, “making sacrifices and taking US$3,000 or US$4,000 a month as a president”, and “cutting the ministers’ pay from $6,000 to $2,000”.

“But we don’t want to do that in Somalia because corruption is rampant in the country. So whatever little is given for the Somali mothers and their children goes into the pockets of corrupt politicians,” the presidential hopeful deplored. “Politics or social change isn’t a vocational calling for them, they have ulterior motives and so when I announced my candidacy I said that, were the people to elect me, I did not want any salary. I don’t want a salary for serving my country. That’s what every patriot should be doing.”

Facing ‘death threats’ from political leadership and al-Shabab

No doubt this liberal stance is a reason why Dayib says she has received death threats that “are not only from al-Shabab”.

“The biggest threat comes from the political elite, from the business sector that thrives in anarchy, is not regulated, cannot be taxed and is just getting richer by the day (…) In particular when I talk about corruption, specifying the millions missing and where they went. Risks are very high and that is why it is in the best interest to ensure that I’m eliminated, so that people like me will learn a lesson not to step forward.”

While she acknowledges that “it’s a given thing that when grassroots-level social change is being instigated that, of course, there will be casualties”, Dayib maintains she is “not scared of those things”.

“That doesn’t mean that I’m going into this with the intention of being murdered or killed – I don’t have an accelerated pathway to heaven – I’m not going on a suicide mission or some gullible midlife crisis induced. Of course I will take the proper and necessary security measures but despite it all, should that be also something that will happen, it comes with the territory,” she explains.

“I believe if one is to die fighting for what he believes in – and I believe my life is a vocational calling as there must be a reason why I survived when 11 others didn’t and I take it very seriously that I am here to serve humanity- should I be killed while doing that, I think that’s the most honourable death that anyone can bestow upon me. I am not, in any way, scared by a bunch of cowards who believe that violence is the only means to everything.”

IBT

Mogadishu-Farewell ceremony has on Monday been made for former Djiboutian Ambassador to Somalia, H.E. Dayid Dubbad Roble in Mogadishu in attendance with Somali Premier, members from the parliament and executive council, SONNA reported.

Somali Prime Minister, H.E. Omar Abdirashid praised the leaving envoy for his role and service during his term of diplomatic representation here in Somalia.

Mr. Roble said that he was very pleased to how the Somali government officials and people honored him and worked together and made thanksgiving at the farewell according to the SONNA reporter at occasion today.

BORAMA–682 students have today graduated from Amoud university in Borama after completing various faculties.

Somaliland president leading a high-level delegation left for Borama, Awdal’s regional capital so as to attend the graduation ceremony for the 15th batch of brand new graduates.

Amoud varsity professors, graduating students, parents, local authority and other guests have attended the well-organized ceremony. Prof. Sulieman Abdi Gulied, president of Amoud varsity made the opening remarks at the graduation sent congratulatory remarks to the students.

President Ahmed Silanyo of Somaliland has awarded the certificates to the students. He expressed his content over the attendance of the ceremony and congratulated the students for their hard work.

The Umbilical Cord Has Been Chewed Away A lot can happen in the world in a week, but I am sure many Somalis have observed these last two weeks that Somalia (the nation) was again on the spotlight for being a failed state. Including the Olympics! Of course, it was humiliating to see how Somalia fared in this the world display of talent and mighty; youth from different nations reaching for afforded opportunities provided by their individual nation, exerting and thrusting forward; testing the limits of their “can-do” attitudes to achieve their potential in the Olympics—proudly singing on the stage to their beloved flags at the end. And Somalia, once again, was the joke of the week. That was heartbreaking! I thought about how many would-be Somali Olympians have been killed, drawn in unknown world waters, or just disappeared under the ruble and ashes. The Press Release by Somaliland Elders in Mogadishu As sad as the results of the Olympics were for Somalia, what has struck me this week even more was another observation of significant equivalency to the Somali failed state. The realization that the hope for a possible reemergence of a Somali nation might have died abruptly, though expected to happen sooner or later, yet shook the airways as an earthquake. To the dismay of many unionists, the umbilical cord that connects Somaliland to Somalia might have been chewed away enough over the years, suffered enough damage, and maybe just falling off. In a recent press release and the other supportive comments that reinforced their unanimous stance, the unionists and the elders from Somaliland in Mogadishu vowed to walk away, abandon their parliamentary seats, and go back to Somaliland for good; wishing their brothers in the south to deal with their tribal endeavor alone, as they wish, and that Somaliland will reorganize itself. In a net shell, they stated that the marriage is over and the dream for a Somali nation came to an end. In this press release, this time, the unionists’ statements spoke in volumes, not only of the men in power today in Mogadishu and Puntland as the spoilers, but the statement talks about the seat of the power for the last 25 years, where Somali nationalism has been reduced to the practice of trivial tribal demands from their brothers in the south. This has paralyzed the whole country, they argue, and has become one of the major obstacles towards progress, Achilles’ heel. The Umbilical Cord Analog For the last 25 five years, when most Somalis abandoned and even scorned the mention of Somali nationalism, many Somalilanders (I named them the umbilical cord) had become the single covalent bond holding the south to the north. Just as the placenta holds the child and mother for close embrace and nourishment, the unionists from the north kept the narrative of Somali unity alive, providing the dream of unity a special bonding period in a close embrace, without separation. So long this bonding between the south and north existed, many felt strongly that it was important the dream for the revival of Somali unity should endure, be nourished and sustained. That was the hope! Needless to say, however, today for many unionists such a compelling narrative presented by the representatives in Mogadishu this time, and the unanimous position they have taken, cannot be ignored. And if the current events could redesign the path to the future for Somalis, at least for those who have long dreamed of keeping the Somali nationalism alive, that hope is fading away quickly, eroded by the continuous failure repeatedly demonstrated by Mogadishu and Puntland administrations, the powers to be in this tribal games in the south. To their credit, the unionists from the north, more than anyone else, have sacrificed their time and energy to help sustain the existence of Somalia unity unapologetically, though facing hostility, debasement and attack on their own belief on daily routine, where they have to defend why they believe in Somali unity. They have faced humiliation, slapping on the face, spat at and are ridiculed during many heated debates both in Mogadishu and in Hargeisa, or even beyond. In fact, they faced isolation and imprisonment if traveled back to Somaliland to visit their families. That has never been a secret, but they chose their path in spite of. Many other nationalists from the north simply gave up when they finally realized that their brothers in the South are not even sympathetic to the predicament that the unionists from the north are facing every day. In spite of their sacrifices, the northerners are treated as minority and always remained in a negotiated surrender, a weaker compromising position; and their voices only count when it’s for sale—election time. Their loyalty to a nation they always have imagined and their commitment to nationalism have become questionable. They have become a target for attacks, both from south and north, including members of their own family at times. Tell me any southern who is facing such humiliation just for believing unity. Realizing a False Narrative The Somalilanders in Mogadishu parliament and to be selected new house of elders, as they stated in Unisom in their press release this time, realized that the old narrative is not convenient for them anymore. The perception that Mogadishu is working on bringing back a unified Somalia has proven to be wrong, and that realization finally hit the unionists from Somaliland with a smack on the face. Wake up, fool! Their narrative is simple, that maintenance of a nation and building a democratic civil society demands justice residing on the sovereignty of a nation; not driven by bunch of regional/tribal enterprises that do not represent the people. For the unionists, this is a call for a pause, a respite to step aside and evaluate things carefully. The unionists realized that their radical experiment for unity and vision for the union have been ignored or unrecorded. This, in face value, means there are social implications hard to be ignored. That their interpretation of the union, their long commitment, and their personal lost and hard work have all been violated. And above all, their deeper objective political meaning has been excluded from any analysis of political significance, in their endeavor for Somali unity.

They feel left out as non-participant in this tribal political process, an alternative notion of politics operating under a false premises of nation building. The elders from Somaliland who want to oversee the selection process for regional representation in the Mogadishu government have today presented a compelling argument, a new narrative that has become evident to them. They expressed their deep exasperation and frustration with a system designed to fool the international donors to continue their support without producing any tangible change… nothing more than lip serves. Puntland and Mogadishu: Power Grabbing Strategy The unionists remain under intense external pressure and arm twisting that have been exerted by Puntland and Mogadishu, asking them to share, by demand, some of the few seats already allocated for Somaliland. This time Dr. Abdiweli’s demands have to be satisfied. He has formulated a new doctrine of land grabbing, justified by deep desire for tribal dominance. Puntland becomes the octopus in the region, grabbing every seat within reach by force from Khatimo, Galguduud, Kismayo and in between. Why should Puntland decide the fate and the aspirations of the people in Khatimo state? Such recklessness is now forcing Khatimo state to recoil back into the hands of its other nemeses, the lesser of two evils—Somaliland. Dr. Abdiweli is even claiming that some of the eleven upper house seats, allocated for Somaliland belongs to him…that Khatimo shouldn’t be considered as people who can rule themselves, or can decide on electing their own representatives. This is nothing more than a pre-emptive strategy of threading the needle through and beyond tribal lines, to anywhere he succeeds in swaying his tribesmen to rise and support this dogma of tribe dominance.

As for President Hassan Sheikh, well! The greed of President Hassan Sheikh to stay in power is a sign of Machiavellian approach to win the Villa Somalia again, at any cost and by any possible path—the end justifies the means. You all know the drill! This is the same President who fired two prior Prime ministers because of a simple disagreement stemming up from conflicts in vision; a constitutional right his Prime ministers had. This is the same President who publically expressed his threat, and vowed to risk sinking the boat (the country) if he didn’t get his way. While the President gives lip serves to transparency and democratic processes as essential elements in governing the society, he practices an aristocratic system of government, where the power stays in the hands of the privileged few, which may even lead to royalty. Ismail Ali Ismail, a man with ample experiences with governances and is well versed with the Somali culture, writes in his book, Governance, that, “Local government can be expected to thrive and prosper in truly democratic system; it is an essential feature of democracy and cannot be expected to do well in a suffocating political atmosphere.” An antithesis to what we see today in the existing governing apparatuses in the country. No wonder! Call it arrogance, ignorance, or what other adjectives suit his behavior, but it is a disturbing behavior in today’s Somali politics. He gets away with it because he knows that Somalis have selective short memories, and tend to forgive those in power easily; unless it involves tribal vendetta. The Somalis respond predictably to the same adrenaline impulses-tribal emotions-to any new appeals from politicians and pundits. Nonetheless, such demonstrable behavior of power greed and corruption we see in Puntland and Mogadishu today, with no regard for governance and country building, shows the inability of these two men to imagine what it could have been, and how much they can affect a new leadership for their people, for their country—a missed opportunity blind sighted by greed. I don’t pretend to know much about the local politics and the thinking behind it, but I sense that these long standing grievances left unaddressed for decades, are reaching a new trajectory beyond control.

Today’s self declared Presidents in the south, trampled over domestic sensitive issues, violated civil rights and civil liberties of many, including the people of Khatimo and Benadir, who are shunned and denied their place in this political processes. That is not governing! That is power grabbing. The Winner of the Week! It is becoming apparent that Somaliland is the winner of the week. Hooray! Before you just jump to your guns and shoot me, let me explain. The dialogue between Khatimo state and Somaliland is not, to the view of many in the region, an insignificant step, it is rather a big deal towards conflict resolution and establishing better relationship and lasting peaceful coexistence between these neighboring tribes. At least they share strong and historical ties that can be proven by their DNA. Rumor has it Khatimo state has a proposal for equitable power sharing with Somaliland on the table, and negotiations are underway. And guess where they will meet next time! Addis Ababa, where else, the only judge in the Horn where all Presidents in Somalia visit several times a year for cleansing off their sins—their Mecca. In a parallel maneuvering the President of Somaliland has opened a dialogue with the Awdalites in an effort to address their long standing demand for equity and power sharing. Furthermore, to put an icing on the cake, Somaliland just announced today that all Somaliland politicians in Mogadishu, who want to come back to Somaliland as Somaliland citizens, are welcome to return with no stipulation, and even their transportation and accommodations will be provided by Somaliland. All this happened in two-week span. Whether all of that will materialize is yet to be seen, but if such strategy succeeds, Somaliland can win big. It is a mature political maneuvering by the grown up in the region, the President of Somaliland. Imagine all Somaliland politicians in Mogadishu walking out and heading home. No more umbilical cords to sustain Somali nationalism alive in Mogadishu, to the chagrin of many in the south, and all tribes, including Khatimo state, will be free to fend for themselves and decide their future to live amicably with their neighbors.

I have been called naive before, but I think President Silanyo envisions building strong political elites comprised of, but not limited to, ex-unionists, such as, Professor Ahmed Samatar, Dr. Ali Galaydh, Dr. Ismail Bubaa, Dr. Mohamed Abdillahi (Sifir) and other important, savvy politicians-a think tank class. Men and women who could organize themselves to build a firewall for Somaliland’s case, challenging the International community; and proving the narrative that Mogadishu represents all Somalis for all political and practical purposes is false. I think it will be difficult for the brothers in the south to defend their shortsighted vision for better Somalia. After all, we are all segregated tribes, each one free to decide its own future and governance. No one tribe should be empowered alone by the international donors just to enslave its neighbors. By and large, the Somalis believe in natural rights… a nomad tending his to camels freely in space under the sun. They were born free and that is an embedded cultural value Somalis endear. Somalis are irritated by any attempt to be governed by force, particular by another tribe. Therefore, for Puntland, Somaliland or any ex-land to try this to their neighbors contradicts the natural right of a nomadic tribesman. I think this narrative wins! Leave these tribesmen alone. In conclusion, I think President Silanyo knows that his days in power are very limited and he wants to leave a legacy behind; bringing back into the fold all the sons and daughters of former Somaliland protectorate, provide them with equitable power sharing system, and let them design their future. This could be a game changer in the region. I think he is seizing that opportunity, and think Dr. Ali Galaydh and company are smart enough to realize this opportune moment. Something has to give, and Silanyo feels he can convince his tribesmen (Isaaq) to bend to this idea… a trade off for peace. And think if that succeeds, the world view will take a note and this might put the Mogadishu government in a dilemma. No more free loading! I am just saying, but don’t read my lips.

Dr. Ali Bahar,

aibahar57@gmail.com

In the past, I used to endure a 4 hour round trip to get water 10km away.
I don’t own a camel or a donkey and so I had to carry 2 jerri cans of water on my back for 2 hours, to and fro each day.

On few occasions, my neighbours would use their donkeys and camels to help us carry the water.” Fadumo Ali from Gatitaley village in Odweyne district of Somaliland

“Enhancing resilience in Somaliland communities” is a program that was started in 2015 by World Vision aimed at increasing the resilience of chronically vulnerable pastoral, agro pastoral and peri-urban communities in Gatiitalay community. Community members walked 10 km everyday to get water.To improve access to water,World Vision helped in the construction of one berket (underground tank), four shallow wells and two earth dams.

The berket, underground water tank, that was constructed for the community in Gatiitalay. Before its construction the community would walk for 10km to get waterThe Gatiitalay berket transformed Tirig’s life.The berket can harvest up to 14,000 litres of water.Tirig Jama Mohamed, 45 years old and a mother of five who runs a teashop in Gatiitalay is full of praise for the berket that not only supplies her with water for domestic use but also improved her business.

“I used to close my shop for at least two hours every day to go and fetch water for my business 10 km away. I lost so many hours getting the water and once I had it was not always enough. With the berket, I only take 30 minutes to access water,” says a happy Tirig.
Tirig with her son at the berket. She now has time for her tea shop as well as for her familyWorld Vision Somalia supported the community with the berket and Tirig does not have to worry about water anymore. She now has enough time to serve her customers and subsequently increase her daily revenues.

“A total of 200 households are being served by the berket.A kiosk system has been established to ensure a sustainable management of the facility.The households pay USD 0.07 for a 20-litre Jerri can for the water services. Of the funds collected, 60% is used to pay the guard and the kiosk personnel whilst 40% is for operations and maintenance,’’ says 65 year old Rashiid Abdi Alin, the community chair- man
By: Abdirahman Abdilahi Muse
Senior WASH Communications coordinator
Somaliland

Somalia has competed in the Olympics for more than four decades, but for the last three Games, it has sent just a couple of athletes and never won a medal. It’s Olympic history is a tragic one.

Sprinter Samia Yusuf Omar, who ran at the Beijing Games, drowned four years later as a refugee, when the boat she was in, capsized off Libya.

Al Jazeera met with Mohamed Daud Mohamed, a Somali runner, who recounted challenges he faced home and in Rio.

Al Jazeera’s Gabriel Elizondo reports from Rio.

This paper presents the results of some of the surveys conducted to map archaeological sites of Somaliland and includes almost 100 new and previously unpublished sites. The survey work was conducted by several of Somaliland’s Department of Archaeology staff, including Mohamed Ali Abdi, a Departmental survey officer, and the present author. This report is an archaeological testimony to the social complexity and cultural diversity of this region as a cultural crossroads for millennia, being strategically located on the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. However, the maps by no means exhaust the number of archaeological sites known to us in Somaliland. The region had vast Cushitic, pre-Christian and pre-Islamic Empires that at times formed part of the Himyarite and Sabaean cultures of Southern Arabia, the Aksumite Empire and early Islamic Empires of the Horn of Africa. The coastal populations were active seafarers according to Greek records as well as archaeological remains, linking to the Phoenician and Graeco-Roman worlds. They also formed part of an early global economy including the Silk Road. Islamic Empires of the Horn of Africa show an enormous wealth of long-distance trade—including material from Tang Dynasty to Ming Dynasty China—and the magnitude of some of their capitals such as the ruined town and burials of Aw-Barkhadle.

http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10437-015-9184-9

EVENT

President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud (alias “Silanyo”) of self-declared independent Somaliland conducted a cabinet reshuffle on 15 August, replacing the interior minister, the military’s chief of staff, and the general manager of Berbera port.

Seven permanent secretary positions were also offered to neighbouring Khatumo state, a territory disputed with Somalia’s autonomous state of Puntland. Interior Minister Al Mohamed Waran Adde was reappointed as envoy to Ethiopia and replaced by Yasin Mohamud Hir. Chief of Staff Ali Omar Mohamed was suspended and replaced by Ahmed Yusuf Dirir.

http://www.janes.com/article/63030/somaliland-s-cabinet-reshuffle-consolidates-ruling-clan-influence-increasing-contract-threats-and-escalation-of-territorial-disputes-with-puntland?

Press Release

17 August 2016, Hargeisa. — A hand-over ceremony of new Police Uniform for the Somaliland

Police took place at the Somaliland Police Headquarter in Hargeisa which was presented by the UNDP,

Deputy Country Director for Programmes to the State Minster of Security and the Police Commissioner

in the presence of the donors and representatives of the international community.

The new police uniforms will ensure that the public are able to identify and distinguish police

personnel from another law enforcement and security officials while they are on the streets undertaking

foot patrolling in the urban and peri urban areas. A proper identification for the police will not only

improve the visibility of the police officers but also reduce the fear of reporting of crime by the

community.

It will be for the first time in Somaliland History that 6000 police uniform sets will be distributed and

provided to women and men police officers, said Colonel Mohamed Baruud, the Head of Logistic and

Finance Department in Somaliland Police.

“As Somaliland Police Commissioner, I am very glad to receive such striking uniforms through the

Joint Rule of Law Programme which is funded by the Multi Partner Trust Fund, said the Somaliland

Police Commissioner, Brigadier General Abdillahi Fadal Iiman.

On behalf of Somaliland Government, Mr. Mohamed Mouse Dirie, the State Minister of Security

indicated that he is highly appreciative of the fact that majority of officers will a get a full set of

uniforms including shirts, trousers, working shoes/boots, socks, belts and peak cups for commissioned

and non-commissioner’s male officers. The gender balance is being adhered to in the Somaliland

Police where 700 uniforms have been especially designed for the Women Police Officers who are

currently serving. The women police will be dressed in skirts, skirts and head-cover/Hijab and belts.

Mr. David Akopyan, the Deputy of Country Director/Programmes of UNDP said that it was expected

that the police uniforms would inculcate more discipline and self-esteem of the uniformed service,

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increase safety and increase public confidence.

For additional information, please contact Rooble Mohamed communications Associate, UNDP,

Hargeisa Area Office- Sha’ab Area- near Hargeisa Club. rooble.mohamed@undp.org

* * *

UNDP partners with people at all levels of society to help build nations that can withstand crisis, and drive and

sustain the kind of growth that improves the quality of life for everyone. On the ground in nearly 170 countries

and territories, we offer global perspective and local insight to help empower lives and build resilient nations.

www.undp.org

17 August 2016

Somaliland Welfare and justice party, officially declared it’s appeal to the to the constitutional court to review, Somaliland party registration committee judgment on the long legal dispute, which divided the party into two factions under the Chairman and the party presidential candidate each.

According to a press release signed by the Party’s information shadow minister Yusuf Keisa Abdillahi, UCID argued that the Committee’s judgment on the party’s frictions supported the chairman’s argument, which noted that the agreement between Eng. Faisal and Mr. Jamal on 2012 was legally incomplete and needed National Assembly approval.

“Consulting with the party members and supporters and studying the party constitution and rules, read with the national act of the political organizations and parties Act. No. 14/2000, The Party Leadership and the executive board, decided to appeal to Somaliland high court, which has the legal right to look on this case” Mr. Keise said in his statement. Declaring that on 13^th day of August, the lawyers of the Party Chairperson appealed to the Constitutional court on the Registration judgment.

Though the statement did not remark Eng. Faisal’s definite concern on the Registration committee’s judgment and which part of the judgment they want the court to take a second look, but Eng. Faisal Ali Warabe alluded in diferent occasions that the registration committee has no legal bases to decide which approach, will the Party follow to hold the GA.

On 21^st July this year, Somaliland Political Party registration and verifications committee announced a verdict on the long running legal dispute between UCID presidential candidate Mr. Jamaal Ali Hussein and Eng. Faisal Ali Warabe the Party chairperson, who dismissed Mr. Jamal’s official candidacy for the upcoming presidential elections.

Though the Committee confirmed Jamal’s candidacy in the judgment, it stated that the legal process is yet to finished and needed GA approval, so the National convention should be held within 45 days and the disputing sides shall appoint five of the ten convention arrangement and preparation committee. But Eng. Faisal argues that the committee does not have that right to decide about the approach of the national assembly of the party, but will be based on the party rules and regulations.

Horn