Filmmaker: Hamza Ashrif

Somalia’s modern history is a tale of independence, prosperity and democracy in the 1960s, military dictatorship in the 1970s and 1980s – followed by a desperate decline into civil war and chaos almost ever since.

The effect of the war has been to scatter the Somali people in their millions to refugee camps and  neighbouring countries – and in their hundreds of thousands to the UK, Canada and the United States.

Somalia gained independence from Britain and Italy in 1960. It held free and fair elections and was ruled democratically from 1960 to 1969.

Once labelled the “Switzerland of Africa”, Somalia enjoyed almost a decade of democracy. The first elected president of Somalia, uniting the former British and Italian territories, was Adam Abdullah Osman who reigned for seven years. He was succeeded, freely and peacefully, by Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke.

Sharmarke, however, was assassinated by one of his own bodyguards in 1969.

Prime Minister Mukhtar Mohamed Hussein took over, but his brief, six-day tenure was cut short by a military coup led by General Siad Barre, ending Somalia’s period of democratic government.

Whatever its faults – and there were many – Barre’s 22-year rule effectively created modern Somalia, building one of Africa’s strongest armies and massively improving the literacy of the population.

Yet Barre, who gained the support of the US and the Soviet Union, the superpowers of the day, also dissolved parliament, suspended the constitution, banned political parties, arrested politicians and curbed press freedom.

“From then, there was a downward trend. In everything. A disintegration. And every time things were going down, the military regime was becoming more brutal and more dictatorial,” says Jama Mohamed Ghalib, a former Somali government minister.

But when Barre launched the Ogaden war in 1977 to take the Somali majority region from Ethiopia, it provoked serious international opposition, including that of the Soviet Union which had once supported Barre but now sided with Ethiopia. The Somali army was forced to withdraw.

Opposition to the Barre government gradually increased and in May 1988, encouraged by Ethiopia, the same northern tribes – in what had once been British Somalia – rebelled against Barre’s dictatorship. This provoked the full force of his military power and aggression and thousands of northern Somalis were killed.

Three years later, in 1991, both the northern and southern tribes, again supported by Ethiopia, rose up against Barre. His grip on power had weakened, his former allies had abandoned him and he was finally brought down. One outcome was the northern region proclaiming its independence and declaring itself as Somaliland. It maintains its separatism today, but has hardly any international recognition.

But the other long-lasting outcome was civil war, with myriad competing factions and frequent intervention by foreign powers and neighbouring countries. In 2006, the Islamic Courts Union split into several factions, one of which was Al Shabab. The radical group still controls large parts of the south of the country today.

“If Siad Barre was to leave power two years earlier and said, ‘Now, Somalis, you have to organise new elections and I will be happy to leave’ – none of this would have happened. But when he brutalised different groups of people in different regions of the country, people were just, literally, mindlessly trying to get rid of him,” says Abdi Samatar, professor of geography at the University of Minnesota.

A flood of UN aid in the 1990s and 2000s led to the collapse of Somali agriculture and has reduced many farmers to poverty. At the same time, fishing by large foreign vessels in Somali waters has led to the piracy off the coast which has become synonymous in many people’s minds with Somalia worldwide.

The ongoing civil war has caused serious damage to Somalia’s infrastructure and economy. Thousands of Somalis have either left as economic migrants or fled as refugees. Most spent months, if not years, in refugee camps. Around 200,000 Somalis refugees have fled to Yemen and roughly 50,000 to the UAE. There are around 150,000 Somalis living in Canada, 100,000 in the UK and 85,000 in the US.

Within Somalia, more than a million people are internally displaced.

“There are more than 1.1 million people displaced from their homes and their original places of living; 1.1 million people. There’s certainly nearly that same number who are reliant upon food assistance from the United Nations agency and other donors, nearly a million people who can’t meet their own food needs,” says Nicholas Kay, United Nations special representative for Somalia.

Somalia receives aid from both the UN and the Arab League – of which it is a member, but how it’s allocated and where it goes can sometimes appear inconsistent.

Many Somalis have sought refuge in neighbouring countries, hoping to return to Somalia once the civil war dies down. Ethiopia has become home to 4.6 million Somalis and Kenya to over 2 million. After a series of al-Shabab attacks in Kenya starting in 2011, the Kenyan government began ordering Somalis back into refugee camps and some to return to Somalia.

Other Somalis have even fled to war-torn Libya, a hub for human traffickers. From there, they must make the often treacherous sea journey to Europe and then by land to onward destinations. Those who survive can encounter a wide range of problems – but sometimes find help from established Somali communities.

With the collapse of government, Somalis have often turned to their tribes, clans and sub-clans to fill the void, and clan allegiances can extend beyond Somalia, Ethiopia and Kenya into the diaspora.

“The clan is a wonderful form of insurance,” says the BBC’s Africa Editor, Mary Harper. “Because if I arrive in London and I’m from a particular Somali clan, I’ll find my Somali clan brothers and sisters and they’ll look after me. If I don’t have any money, they’ll give me money to maybe start a business and maybe I’ll pay it back. If I don’t have anywhere to live, they’ll help me find somewhere to live. So they really, really look after each other.”

“The Somali community in the UK has been in existence long before the state collapsed,” says Laura Hammond, senior lecturer in Development Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London.

“As a community the Somali community is suffering quite a lot from a lack of integration which is caused not just by their own difficulties, learning the language or figuring out so-called British life. But it’s also about structural exclusions that are put in place. So it’s very difficult for them to find jobs, it’s very difficult for them to solve their immigration status. It can take them years to actually gain citizenship.”

Abdi Warsame and Abdirizak Bihi are part of the Somali community in Minneapolis in Minnesota state in the US. Warsame has become an elected member of Minneapolis City Council and has worked hard to ensure that his people are properly and evenly represented at the municipal level.

Bihi runs the Somali Education Advocacy Center: “In 1996 I moved here from Washington DC to work with the refugees I’ve seen in camps. So I knew the challenges they’ll face here. I became an interpreter, a counselor, a cultural broker. We’d train them to or help get Somali speaking personnel so they could address the issues that the new Americans were facing. And it’s not really easy to be black, Muslim and immigrant.”

When Aboukar Awale came to the UK in 1997, he found mafrishes, cafes where Somali men would drink tea and chew the addictive stimulant khat. He himself became an addict – but the drug is now banned in the UK, thanks to the campaign spearheaded by Awale. However, it’s still a big problem among young Somalis and so he’s now taken his campaign to the streets of Somalia itself: “I thought if I am lucky, then what about the children of Somalia, and those being raised who think khat is a good thing? And that’s how I started this campaign.”

Like many Somalis across the diaspora, Awale hopes deeply that one day he’ll be able to return to help re-build his homeland.

“It will happen inshallah. It might not happen in ten years; it might not happen in maybe 20 years. But one day… It just breaks my heart. But inshallah, Somalia will come back. Someday Somalia will be back.”

Source: Al Jazeera

A Prague court began on Wednesday a hearing into whether a local nursing school was within its powers when it banned two Muslim students from wearing a veil, the hijab. The court case, dating back to 2013, has been brought by one girl, a Somali who was given refuge in the Czech Republic in 2011. The other girl, an Afghan, did not take legal steps. Both girls later left the school. The girls were later supported by the Czech Ombudswoman, Anna Šabotová, who argued that the school acted in a discriminatory fashion. But the school director has been given backing of students and parents. The Somali girl is pressing for an apology from the school and damages amounting to 60,000 crowns.

Radio.cz

Turkish govt has officially invited Somaliland delegation to take part a conference aimed at encouraging investment between Africa and Turkey.Kenya, Somaliland and Djibouti are invited to attend the investment summit from the Eastern African countries.The minister of Technology, Ali Hamud Jibril is attending the high-level conference dubbed as Turkish-African Business Summit

Hon. Binali Yildirim, Turkish PM has officially announced the summit open and made a keynote speech at the event.The PM has cordially welcomed the dignitaries from the African continent and spelled out the aims of the summit, the first of its kind which is hosted in Turkey.

Additionally, the PM has revealed the plans which it will implement in Africa.Hon. Ali Jibril Hamud, speaking on behalf of Somaliland, the tiny unrecognized country in the Horn of Africa, met with the Turkish PM, Binali Yildirim.The minister was later invited at Turkish giant telecom better known as Türk Telecom which is about to entrench Data Base System for Somaliland.

The Technology minister, Ali, has submitted to Turkish govt the programs on technologies in Somaliland which needs to be supported at a national level.Also, the minister has given a full explanation to Turkish authorities on areas that Somaliland is desperately in need of investment when it comes to technologies.The Turkish govt has pledged to assist Somaliland when it comes to digging water wells that will be used during dry seasons which the country faces acute shortage of water in rural areas.

In light of Djibouti’s fortuitous positioning between East Africa and the Middle East, and on a key trade route between Asia and Europe, the country has long played a central role in regional trading. Increasingly, however, it is looking to parlay that lineage into an even greater role, expanding infrastructural capacity and linkages to ensure the small 800,000-person nation is able to act as a prominent gateway to the fast-growing markets surrounding it.

Projects

More than $14bn worth of new airports, pipelines, port and terminal facilities, and roads and railways are under construction, underwritten by several vast public and foreign investment schemes. Whilst some new transport infrastructure will service passenger travel to and from the country – such as the two new airports under construction – the bulk of the projects will be developed to suit different types of cargo, such as minerals, energy products, bulk and containerised goods, and even livestock.

Many of the new investments are looking to leverage the country’s role as the primary entry point to the 95m-person Ethiopian market next door, with Djibouti currently handling more than 90% of goods bound for its neighbour. Ethiopia’s economy expanded by more than 8.5% in 2014/15 and is expected to grow 8% in 2015/16, according to the IMF. This will create a driving demand for imports, of which the vast majority are channelled through Djibouti’s ports and transported on its roads. Forecasts for robust growth in Ethiopia in the medium term bode well for Djibouti, with increases in Ethiopia’s exports also set to boost outbound traffic and revenue from Customs duties.

There is a clear need for Djibouti to expand capacity, particularly as competition increases from nearby ports, such as Kenya’s planned Lamu installation and the potential development of facilities at Berbera in Somaliland. Amidst unrest elsewhere in the Horn of Africa and nearby Yemen, Djibouti is also hoping to capitalise on the security of its transport facilities to serve the roughly 400m landlocked consumers located in East Africa. “Even before Dubai, Singapore and Hong Kong, the economic and maritime hubs in the region were Aden and Djibouti,” Aboubaker Omar Hadi, chairman of the Djibouti Ports and Free Zones Authority (Autorité des Ports et Zones Franches Djibouti, APZFD), told media in May 2015. “We know what to do to regain our place.”

A total of six major ports and terminals are being developed across the country, in conjunction with new road links, railway links and two international airports. To complement the improved transport networks, Djibouti is also establishing several new free trade zones. These new transport facilities worth billions of dollars will, it is hoped by authorities, ensure Djibouti’s competitiveness as a regional transport platform, even as countries like Kenya and Egypt look to improve their capacity.

“Djibouti’s major infrastructure projects – including new ports, railways, roads, airports and free zones – will strengthen Djibouti’s position as a regional hub for transport and logistics services,” Moussa Ahmed Hassan, minister of equipment and transport, told OBG. “Having a comprehensive transport eco-system is crucial for Djibouti to be competitive, attract investment and create jobs.”

The country’s large-scale infrastructure investments – a sizeable percentage of which are being led by the government – are weighing on Djibouti’s public finances. The IMF, for example, has raised concerns about the size of the country’s fiscal deficit , which spiked in 2015 – with some estimates putting it at 16.5% of GDP, against 12.2 in 2014 – and has been funded in part by debt issuances, with the public debt now equal to more then half of GDP. However, the deficit is expected to decline to 11.4% in 2016 and more importantly, it is being driven by capital spending, rather than current expenditures. This should lift the country’s growth potential in the long-term.

Transport operations remain essential to Djibouti’s economy. Sitting in the Gulf of Aden and on one of the world’s busiest trade routes linking Europe, Africa and Asia, Djibouti has built its economy around transport and logistics services.

“Our strategic location at the Horn of Africa and at the entrance of the Red Sea, the second busiest sea-lane in the world, allow us many opportunities. On one hand, we have access to the dynamic East African markets like Ethiopia and countries beyond where we find the most fertile lands on the continent, and on the other hand we have the potential to become a major trans-shipment hub for the Red Sea and Indian Ocean regions,” Warsama Hassan Ali, commercial director at DP World Doraleh, an international maritime terminal operator, told OBG.

According to the World Trade Organisation’s (WTO) Trade Policy Review on Djibouti, published in September 2014, the transport sector accounts for 35% of GDP. More broadly, trade in goods and services represents about 94% of Djibouti’s GDP, with the bulk of this attributed to Ethiopian demand. The African Development Bank has estimated that the services sector accounts for almost 80% of the Djiboutian economy, of which 55% comes from trade and commerce services. The services sector employs around 70% of the population, a large proportion of which are employed in activities linked to the transport sector. However, the report also states that transport services remain under-explored and continue to provide ample possibilities for job creation, one of the country’s most pressing issues. “Large-scale infrastructure projects, such as the new railways and ports, create a lot of jobs; for example, there are more than 1000 Djiboutians currently working on the project,” Moussa Ahmed told OBG. “This is crucial to Djibouti’s development. While such projects may need know-how and foreign expertise, it is essential to ensure that the benefits are passed on to ordinary Djiboutians.”

The planned upgrades should not only improve the country’s trade capacity but also contribute to an improvement in the transport sector’s overall performance. While the country’s port is one of the region’s largest and globally competitive, other transport sub-sectors fare less well. The 2014 Logistics Performance Index, published every two years by the World Bank, currently ranks the country 154th out of 160 countries for the competitiveness of its logistics sector, a result in part to what the World Bank highlighted as problems of coordination. A previous study by the lender pointed to a lack of sufficient planning capability for the transport sector by government bodies and limited consultation between authorities and private sector operators as major weaknesses for the development of the country’s logistics sector.

Asia Links

Djibouti’s standing as a trade hub is due to its ability to tap into not only transit and trans-shipment activity between Europe and Asia, but also trade flows between Africa and Asia. In spite of the economic slowdown in China, volumes between Africa and the world’s second-largest economy have been rising. China now accounts for roughly one quarter of the continent’s trade, according to a 2015 World Bank study, with $5bn of that going to Djibouti’s landlocked neighbour Ethiopia.

The composition of continental trade is reflected in the types of financing and projects currently under construction in Djibouti. Ongoing and planned infrastructure investment in Djibouti is expected to surpass $14bn over the coming years, most of which will be financed by Chinese banks and other international multilateral institutions.

Chinese companies will also be developing related infrastructure and port facilities in Djibouti, such as a new shipyard, highway and expansion of the Doraleh port. Plans also include creating new warehouse and office space alongside the Djibouti Free Trade Zone. State-owned China Merchants Holding is set to lead construction on the $7bn, 10-year project, having signed a 2015 agreement with the APZFD.

Roads

As is the case in many African markets, road transport plays a significant role in Djibouti, both for domestic and international trade. Sub-Saharan countries see an average of 90% or more of their domestic trade handled on the roads; in Djibouti, that figure is even higher given its small size and the high concentration of the country’s population in Djibouti City.

The road network is also the primary connection between Djibouti’s port and the Ethiopian border. Shipments bound for the neighbouring country have risen in recent years. Under the government’s Djibouti Vision 2035 economic development strategy, Ethiopia is expected to continue to play a sizable role in contributing to increased transport activity.

“Ensuring efficient regional integration, particularly with Ethiopia – our largest trade and transport partner – is crucial,” Moussa Ahmed told OBG. “We’ve seen some success in this regard – for example on the border with Ethiopia, trucks can cross through in five minutes –although we can still improve.”

However, the large influx has also brought congestion. Currently, a shipment can take up to two days to go from the port to the Ethiopian border when carried by a heavy goods vehicle – the bulk of which, incidentally, are handled by Ethiopian trucking companies, who operate between 6000 and 8000 vehicles between the two countries, as opposed to 200 to 250 vehicles operated by Djiboutian providers. While traffic should be partially alleviated by the new railway connection (see analysis), in light of the high level of import demand in Ethiopia, the road congestion is unlikely to drop dramatically any time soon.

To ensure shipments are made quickly, and to allow for time-sensitive or high-multiplier traffic to pass through smoothly, road shipments are being prioritised by Djibouti at the border depending on the goods. The move is making commerce of certain goods more attractive. “Machinery transport into Ethiopia currently get certain advantages, such as priority in Ethiopian bank foreign exchange approvals, as this is considered investment on infrastructure. This makes it one of the most profitable goods to transport, with a heavy turnover, even though it is a capital intensive activity,” Helen Hussien, general manager at Afro Leon, a logistics operator, told OBG.

To reduce passenger traffic on the roads, and free up additional space for freight, the government has also announced it will channel financing to the revamping of public urban passenger transport. Funds will be allocated to improve the training of transport providers, as well as to procedural changes to bring a larger number of them into the formal sector. The move will also include measures to improve road safety, which on top of better training for public transport drivers, will involve a stricter control of vehicle conditions, according to the 2015 Strategy for Accelerated Growth and Employment Promotion (Stratégie de Croissance Accélérée et de la Promotion de L’Emploi, SCAPE).

Infrastructure Upgrades

As is the case in many of East Africa’s economies, Djibouti’s national road network has suffered somewhat from a historical shortage of sufficient investment in maintenance. This lack of investment prompted the government to prioritise the quality of the country’s roads and improve funding through a direct usage fee in 2013. According to government estimates published in SCAPE, only about 40% of the country’s roads are considered to be in good state.

As a result of a governmental overhaul, maintenance now falls under the management of the Djibouti Roads Agency created in 2013. The agency is funded through fees charged on a per tonne basis to trucks exiting from the Djibouti port. The agency also receives a direct line item in the general budget, which the authorities have recently decided to double from the current $3m to $6m.

Road improvement projects are easing connectivity across the country. The link between the port of Tadjourah and the northern town of Balho, close to the border with Ethiopia, is expected to improve links in the north of Djibouti, as well as incorporate a northern road link into Ethiopia. The project was partly financed with $52.2m coming from the Kuwaiti Fund for Arab Economic Development.

Railways

Mirroring trends in nearby markets like Egypt and Kenya, railway activity has noticeably declined in Djibouti since the country’s independence from France, but has since been the focal point of a wave of new investment. This gradual drop in rail traffic was most visible on the extremely busy Djibouti to Addis Ababa axis where it was completely substituted by road transport. According to the WTO, Djibouti’s existing rolling-stock has not undergone improvement work since the 1980’s. As of 2014, around 50% of existing equipment was considered to be in bad condition. The amount of international cargo transported by railway in Djibouti fell from 60% in the 1960’s to 1% in 2007, according to figures by the WTO. It eventually reached a point where the railway line between the two cities was closed in 2008. However, it is being revitalised through a $4bn project with the new line set to be fully operational in 2016.

Rail Improvements

The reconstructed railway – which follows the same path as the previous line built by the French in 1917 – is scheduled to start regular operations in 2016, which should cut travel times between the Ethiopian capital and the Port of Djibouti from an average of two days by truck to less than 10 hours. The 753-km line, which will allow for an average speed of 120 km/hr, will have a capacity to transport 3500 tonnes per trip, seven times its historical capacity. Although construction had still not fully finished, in November 2015 the rail link was inaugurated under emergency conditions when the Ethiopian government was forced to transport wheat to areas that had been affected by heavy flooding.

Investments

In line with China’s expanding role in infrastructure development in Africa, the China Railway Group and the China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC) are leading construction of the railway, while the Export-Import Bank of China, the China Development Bank, and the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China are providing financing.

In August 2014 a tender was launched by the Ethiopian Railway Corporation for the construction of another 280-kilometre railway link between the port of Tadjourah, in Djibouti, to Semera, in northern Ethiopia, although the timeline for implementation is unclear. In early 2015 the tender was cancelled for a fifth time. When completed, the railway line will allow for Ethiopian exports of potash to exit to international markets via the Djiboutian port’s minerals terminal. The stretch of railway line is part of a larger project, expected to eventually extend all the way to Mekele in Ethiopia, and cost upwards of $1bn. According to the APZFD, it should be operational by 2019.

There are also a number of large-scale plans currently under way to revamp the railway transport infrastructure in Ethiopia, which will eventually impact Djibouti, potentially increasing the attractiveness of new cross-border lines to handle additional traffic. The Ethiopian government has announced plans to build up to 5000 km of new railway lines by 2020. The large-scale investments expected to go into the transport system are part of Ethiopia’s development plan to become an international manufacturing hub. “Companies are moving to Ethiopia from Bangladesh. Ethiopia offers low labour costs as well as low energy costs. The country is becoming a new area of textile development at the centre of the continent,” Warsama Hassan told OBG. For Djibouti’s expanding transport and logistics sector, this will certainly bring more promising opportunities.

Port infrastructures in Djibouti

Perhaps the single most important segment of the transport sector is the country’s maritime ports. With around 60% of world maritime trade passing through nearby shipping lanes, Djibouti provides a natural link for maritime traffic between Asia and Europe, and serves as a critical gateway to several landlocked African countries. Maritime trade has become an essential part of GDP and an important driver of employment (see analysis). The volume of handled containers has increased nearly five-fold over the past decade, sitting at 854,851 in 2014, a considerable jump from 2002, when Djibouti moved 176,453. Over the same period of time the volume of non-containerised cargo rose from 4.1m metric tonnes to 8.1m metric tonnes.

In 2014 non-containerised traffic was spread between general cargo and liquid bulk cargo. Around 50% of the containerised traffic that Djibouti’s port infrastructure now gets is trans-shipment, according to Warsama Hassan. This growth is in large part dependent on Ethiopia, but the resultant infrastructure development will nonetheless strengthen Djibouti’s share of global trade flows.

The country has also benefitted from improved security. “Since the launch of security operations, in cooperation with the EU, piracy has gone down tremendously. Besides frigates, armed maritime security officers on commercial vessels have played a role in responding swiftly to pirates,” Bruno Pardigon, general manger of Djibouti Maritime Security, told OBG.

Six major port and terminal projects are being developed across the country. Chief among them is the expansion of the Doraleh Multi-purpose port, which is estimated to cost $590m and be operational by 2017. In Tadjourah, a new $160m port facility will focus on mineral exports from nearby Ethiopia and be ready to start operations by 2016. Additionally, the port of Goubet is undergoing a $64m expansion, which will allow it to channel salt exports from Lake Assal into international markets by early 2016. In Damerjog, on the country’s southern coastline, a new $70m port will be used to export livestock from Djibouti and neighbouring countries, beginning operations by 2017. The APZFD anticipates that the port upgrades and a new free trade zone could bring up to 200,000 jobs to Djibouti’s population, of which nearly 50% are currently unemployed.

Air

Air traffic to and from Djibouti has hitherto been handled by the country’s sole international airport, in the capital city, situated on the eastern coast of the country. The facility is equipped with a 3-km runway, making it able to handle most large-scale commercial aircraft, although according to the WTO, about 60% of its activity is related to military flights – a result of the fact that the small country hosts overseas military bases for a number of countries, including the US, France, Japan and soon, China.

At the moment, a handful of international airlines service the country, including Turkish Airways, which links Istanbul with Djibouti and continues to Mogadishu, and Air France which has direct flights from Paris. “The aviation sector in Djibouti has seen increased competition,” François Chenel, country manager for Air France, told OBG. “The expansion of the number of airlines and frequency of flights makes it important to provide special packages and promotions in order to attract more clients.”

However, capacity will increase dramatically in the near future. With the government looking to expand trade and business activity, as well as increase tourism, plans are afoot for the construction of two new airports, as well as the relaunch of Air Djibouti, the national carrier that was forced to close its doors in 2002 due to financial problems.

Air Djibouti will be managed by UK-based Cardiff Aviation, but jointly owned by the APZFD, with a 70% share, and the Djibouti International Airport, with the remaining 30%. The return of Djibouti’s flagship airline began with the launch of cargo services to a handful of African destinations in mid-2015, with the company expecting to reach 1000 tonnes of traffic by the end of the year. According to Mario Fulgoni, CEO of Air Djibouti, the new operator will “commence passenger services towards the end of Q2 2016 and will operate regular flights to Addis Ababa, Khartoum, Mogadishu, Jeddah, possibly Dubai, as well as other such regional and semi-regional destinations”.

The carrier is also looking to link up with sizeable East African diaspora communities abroad as well, and according to Fulgoni, will be “operating services to London, Paris, India and China commencing Q3 of 2016 and developing over the following year”.

The new infrastructure will certainly help solidify the country’s air transport capacity. Construction of the two international airports will cost a total of $599m, with financing coming from the CCECC, the projects’ chief contractor. The biggest will be the Hassan Gouled Aptidon International Airport. Construction of the facility, which will be located 25 km south of Djibouti City, started in early 2015 and is scheduled to be finalised by 2018. The airport will be able to handle 1.5m passengers and 100,000 tonnes of cargo annually, and generate 500 jobs.

In the north of the country a second, and smaller airport will be built near the Seven Brothers Islands, where it will cater primarily for tourism passengers who are expected for the hospitality projects soon to be developed on the country’s Red Sea coast. The airport will start operations in 2016 with an initial capacity of 350,000 passengers. The benefits of the new infrastructure are quite clear. “The establishment of the new airport infrastructure will improve multi-modal transport, because it will allow things to be brought from the port and sent through air cargo,” Kadar Mouhoumed Omar, operations analyst at the World Bank Group, told OBG. Indeed, there is a push to use the new airports to help expand Djibouti’s trading competitiveness.

Trade Zones

Part of the country’s transport upgrades include bulking up ancillary facilities, including trade zones, which will not only help improve storage and warehousing capacity, but also allow for faster processing, multi-modal connections and logistics operations. The second free zone, Khor Ambado Free Zone, will add an extra 3500 ha in new space for logistics operations and other transport businesses.

Free trade zones have been an integral part of the country’s economic development. Under the free zone legislation published in 2004, companies operating in zones can be exempted from direct and indirect taxes for a period of 50 years, according to the WTO. These free trade zones are managed by the APZFD, which handles requests by companies wanting to set up inside the zones. To establish themselves within the zones, they must have 30% of their employees be Djiboutian nationals by the end of the first year of activity, with the figure rising to 70% by the end of the fifth year, according to the WTO. Authorities hope that a close link to the up and coming free trade zones with the planned transport networks will amount to efficient logistics operations.

After talks earlier this year between Turkish officials and the Djiboutian government, Turkey has announced plans to build an economic zone in the country for assembly and processing. According to Ilyas Moussa Daweleh, Djibouti’s minister of economy and finance, Turkey plans to use a manufacturing base in Djibouti to export goods to East Africa and beyond. Developing re-assembly and manufacturing facilities is seen as key to further boosting GDP growth, creating jobs and diversifying the economy away from a reliance on transport servi

Djibouti’s strategic position on the map of international commerce, coupled with the fortunes of neighbouring Ethiopia, have allowed it to benefit from its increasing role as a trade hub. This has translated into a dynamic transport sector and significant GDP growth rates since the mid-2000s. However, in order to take its geographic advantages to the next level, Djibouti will need to ensure that the large-scale investments to upgrade its transportation networks are implemented adequately.

The new railway line will certainly help move cargo between Ethiopia and Djibouti faster and more efficiently, as well as alleviate traffic on the main road artery. Despite the importance of this specific route, measures to facilitate a rise in the number of Djiboutian operators to participate – in a market that is highly tilted towards Ethiopian logistics operators – will greatly increase the impact that the transport sector can have on the Djiboutian economy.

In terms of efficiency, the opening of new railway and road links with Ethiopia’s north will contribute to exchanges with other landlocked countries in East Africa, as well as new ports and facilities that will also bring added capacity to freight handling. Although the large-scale investments in port infrastructure will be critical, the coordination between the building of the new maritime commerce infrastructure, and the rest of the road and railway networks inland, will be essential for the Djiboutian transport and logistics sector to function properly as an integrated system.

MOHAMMED WARSAME(Mosko)

The author is a expert and analyst from Edmonton Alberta.He is been graduated from

Kiev State University.he  is reseacher at the same University,writes about africain and somali

politics.Expert in international cooperation and international law

he can be reached at:mohammedjabuuti@hotmail.com

twitter:@albuuraawi

Nairobi, 3rd November, 2016 – A high-level delegation from the Government of Somaliland arrived is set to return to Hargeisa on Sunday after a successful 4-day visit to Nairobi, Kenya to meet with Ambassadors from Denmark, Germany, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and the European Union, Heads of UN agencies and donors and development partners DANIDA, DFID, EU, GIZ and USAID.

The delegation was led by the Minister of Foreign Affairs & International Cooperation and Minister of National Planning & Development of the Republic of Somaliland. The Ministers were accompanied by an expert technical team from their respective Ministries.

The purpose of the visit to #Nairobi was to meet with Ambassadors and country representatives from the donor community and heads of development partners to discuss a number of important issues including Somaliland’s National Development Plan (NDP), upcoming elections, emergency and development assistance and security cooperation. There were discussions in relation to the recent investment in the Port of Berbera by DP World and the importance of the Addis Ababa-Berbera Corridor with donors and development partners agreeing on the importance of the investment in the Port of Berbera, it’s strategic location as a gateway to Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa and importance towards regional economic integration.

H.E. Minister Shire, Somaliland Foreign Minister, thanked the diplomatic and development partners for their continued cooperation with the #Government of Somaliland and made an urgent request for immediate emergency support to deal with droughts in Eastern Somaliland and migration flows from Ethiopia and Yemen. H.E. Minister Ismail and highlighted the need for donor support which should be aligned with Somaliland National Development Plan II (NDP2) and for donors to maintain ongoing efforts with strengthening Public Financial Management (PFM) and capacity building within statistics, improving monitoring and evaluation systems and applying mutual accountability measures.
Additionally, Somaliland Minister of Foreign Affairs & International Cooperation, H.E. Dr. Saad Ali Shire also met with the newly appointed US Ambassador Stephen M. Schwartz, United States Mission to Somalia/Somaliland and the British Deputy Ambassador Andrew Allen to discuss the upcoming Presidential and recently delayed parliamentary elections in Somaliland, the prospects of dialogue with Somalia, and how to further deepen Somalia and Somaliland talks, democracy and human rights in Somaliland, and improve security cooperation. They also discussed Berbera Port and Corridor as well as initiatives to boost economic growth totackle the scourge of youth unemployment.
Source- MoFA Somaliland

The Netherlands Ambassador Frans Makken accompanied by a delegation of European officials paid an official visit to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. The delegation was welcomed by State Minister Mohamed Mixile Bogorreh. The meeting came in the wake of meetings between Netherlands Ambassador Frans Makken and Foreign Minister Dr Saad Shire in Nairobi. In a meeting marked by warmth and candour, Ministry officials enjoyed fruitful and productive discussions with delegation on a number of topics, with the primary focus being on joint efforts to improve cooperation between the #EU, #Netherlands and #Somaliland. The State Minister also took the opportunity to thank the Netherlands for its funding support for the Somaliland Development Fund and other projects, as well as for its role as one of the biggest investors in Somaliland.

In the name of Allah, the Most Magnificent, the Most Benevolent;

Me and my official delegation to the Ethiopian Capital Addis Ababa, we are very glad to come back home which we left on the 28th October 2016.

As you are aware, the visit was on invitation by the host government and on the 29th October, I led our delegation for talks with an Ethiopia team led by the Ethiopian Prime Minister, H.E. Hailemariam Desalegn. The state visit which we were invited by the Prime Minister was a valuable, warm-hearted and exceptionally friendly reception. During the meeting between the two friendly sides, the following points were on the agenda:

1. Enhancement of existing bilateral relations;
2. Close and solid cooperation on security-related issues in the region in general, and in particular monitoring and guarding of our common borders;
3. Broadening of existing Trade, Political, Cross Border and Social affairs as well as joint high level motivational efforts towards the same;
4. Promotion of trade, investment and successful integration of citizens of the two countries;
5. Ethiopian use of the Port of Berbera and its investment of the Berbera Corridor that links the two countries via Wajaale;
6. Import of cheap Ethiopian electricity as well as continued availability of educational scholarships availed by the Neighbouring country;
7. Concerted war on terrorism as well as illegal immigration movements;
8. The mechanism to implement the Trade Agreement signed by the two sides  on an equal benefits for both countries;
9. Cooperation on alleviating effects of prolonged droughts and water shortages within local communities;

Our discussions on the above issues ended successfully and prospects are for implementation with confidence for benefit of our two nations.

Furthermore, during our state visit to Ethiopia, we had the opportunity to meet with a team of Khatumo officials led by Prof Ali Khalif Galayd in which the imperatives of continuing reconciliation talks and it was mutually agreed that an scheduled meeting will take place in Addis Ababa on the 17th of this month.

On these issues and more explanations thereof will be discussed on a special press conference held on Saturday the 5th of November 2016 at the Presidential Palace in Hargeisa.

Thanks to Allah,

Long live Somaliland;

As the people of Somaliland revel in the friendship and competition of the final phase of the regional tournament, currently going on in the newly refurbished stadiums of Hargeysa, and available across the globe thanks to SO! communications, the mandarins who pay for BBC & VOA Somali Services in London & Washington must be wondering what value they are getting for their money.

Let us be clear, Somalilanders no longer rely on the BBC or VOA for news & information because they have their own national broadcasters, television and radio, plus a myriad of other news channel, Horn Cable, Universal, Kalsan, Star, Bulsho & many, many more. The mandate of the BBC & VOA Somali services is to report on newsworthy events across the Somali speaking population. So, it is not complete surprise to not hear a word about the exciting sports tournament taking place in Hargeysa.

Shall I tell you why it is not a surprise?..Ok, when the folks who work at these broadcasting services saw the Hargeysa Stadium, Timacadde Stadium, the joy, organisations and wonderfulness of the whole scene, they become, as we Somalis say, “Way qayirmeen”.

Because, you see, these once august Somali broadcasting services are now filled with Somaliland haters. They cannot stand Somaliland; the progress its people have made, their ability to overcome many challenges, their love of each other, their commitment to democracy, put it simply, their love of life. I can safely say, the feeling is mutual.

If, Allah forbid, something terrible happened at these joyous events, they will be the first to broadcast it, but when Xaysimo scores a beautiful goal past Awdal, not a word!.

It is not a surprise, and we should not be annoyed, because, here I am in London, watching the tournament, Live, on my laptop. So, who needs the VOA or the BBC?

But, to the Foreign & Commonwealth Office in London, and the State Department in Washington, DC, you guys are getting nothing for your considerable expenses.

Allaa Mahad Leh

Ahmed Khayre

ruraledcomm@gmail.com

The Head of State, Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo who was flanked by the presidential affairs minister, Mohamoud Hashi Abdi and the president’s special secretary, Ahmed Ali Ahmed paid a courtesy call to the deputy president, Abdirahman Sayli who injured his left thigh after slipping tiles in his residential compound.

The deputy president apprised the visiting Head of State that he did not feel the pain after sustaining the injury.He added that he could not stand up on his feet and walk properly unless supported or walk with the help of clutches.Mr. Sayli has said that he has seen several doctors so as to consult with his injury.The president, Ahmed Silanyo has prayed that he could make a speedy recovery and get back onto his feet.

International law firm Simmons & Simmons has advised the Government of Somaliland on their 30 year concession and joint venture arrangements with DP World for the management and development of the Port of Berbera.

The development arrangements will involve an investment of US$442 million in the Port of Berbera with the intention of transforming the existing port into a key logistics hub in the region and a new point of access to the Red Sea.

Paul Bugingo, the client partner and co-chair of the firm’s Africa group, added: “We are delighted to have been involved in this historic project which is a further example of the increased interest and investment appetite in this region of Africa. Simmons & Simmons was appropriately positioned to advise on this project by drawing on its Dubai presence, its wide Africa expertise and its leading global infrastructure practice”.

David Risbridger, lead partner, added “This was a challenging project carried out over a highly ambitious timeframe and required real team work, exemplary project management skills and a detailed understanding of port projects in the context of East Africa. Our team, working together with local counsel, Ibrahim Abdirahman of Acacia Capital Holdings successfully helped deliver critical infrastructure in a timely and professional manner for the benefit of the Somaliland people. We are proud of our involvement in the project and look forward to further work with the Somaliland Government.”

The Simmons & Simmons team was led by partner David Risbridger, assisted by partners Paul Bugingo, Adrian Nizzola, James Coleman and associate Sam Khajeei.

-Ends-
Source- Simmons & Simmons

Ref: K/XA/SL/1787/2016 Date: 03/11/2016
To: Amnesty International
Dear Amnesty International,
With reference to the Amnesty International ( AI) “Urgent Action” UA: 214/16 index: AFR
52/4851/2016 Somaliland letter, concerning female detainees in Gabiley prison, the
Somaliland National Human Rights Commission organized a fact-finding mission, with civil
society organizations, on 24
th
October 2016, to investigate the allegations made by Amnesty
International that for the past month, female detainees at Gabiley prison have complained of
sexual violence, including rape, and other forms of torture and ill-treatment by the male
guards at the prison. Female guards that report these incidents to prison authorities fear
reprisals. The female detainees risk further torture and other ill-treatment during their
detention.
The mission consisted of:
  Somaliland National Human Rights Commission 
  Nagaad Women’s Umbrella Organisation 
  Legal Clinic (University of Hargeisa) 
 Human Rights Center. 
The mission members were 7 female and 4 male all of them active human rights defenders.
The ministry of justice and the custodial corps commander both welcomed our mission from
the outset and were cooperative and forthcoming with the information we requested from
them.
On arrival of the prison compound, the Gabiley prison commander briefed the mission
members on the conditions of the prisoners, their numbers, the categories of their crimes and
custodial corps numbers. He told the mission members that:
  Male section was extremely overcrowded 
 There were a number of juveniles imprisoned with the adult prisoners. 
The ministry of justice was aware of this situation and promised to take steps to improve the
situation.
When the mission members requested to see and interview the female prisoners, the
commander took the unprecedented step of allowing the women investigators to interview the
women without the usual presence of prison guards to attend to meetings between prisoners
and visitors.
Women’s Section
The investigators found out that there were 21 women officers guarding the 31 female
prisoners; that there were three layers of protection against people seeking access to the
female section of the prison:
  A 24 hour male guard on the male section of the prison 
  A four meter concrete wall between the two sections of the prison 
 A 24 hour female guard on the female section of the prison. 
Conclusion
As a result of the interviews with a random selection of the female prisoners (who confirmed
that there was no sexual violence amounting to torture, including rape and other ill-treatment
by male prison guards working during the prison’s evening shifts), prison officials and
human rights activists; the fact that the Somaliland National Human Rights Commission and
other civil society organizations regularly visit prisons throughout Somaliland and there is no
precedent of similar allegations in Somaliland prisons, we have found no evidence to support
the allegations of rape and sexual violence that Amnesty International alleges to have taken
place in Gabiley prison.
Amnesty International and other concerned human rights organizations are welcome to come
to Somaliland and visit prisons and other detention centers to investigate prisoner conditions
instead of making wild and unsupported allegations.
Fathia Hussein Ahmed
Chairperson of Somaliland National Human Rights Commission

Somaliland House of National Assembly Speaker, Abdirahman alias Irro has met with Khatumo leader, Ali Khalif Galeyr in Addis Ababa. Somaliland citizens are vexed with what capacity that Wadani chairman has employed in to meet with Khatumo leader that has recently initiated talks with Somaliland government to end the protracted war between the insurgents and Somaliland army.

Former minister for foreign affairs, Mohamed Bihi Yonis and ex-public works minister, Abdirisak Ali Khalif were with House speaker during the meeting. The two ministers were part of an ally that defected from Kulmiye governing party and showed allegiance to Wadani after asserted joining forces.

The two delegations discussed ways of forging unity, solidarity, and security in the country. They reached a common understanding of addressing the concerns raised by residents in Sool, Sanaag and Buhodle regions. The current leader of Khatumo was accompanied by Dr. Ali Isse Abdi, a senior Khatumo leader who is based in Ethiopia.

Somalia looks more likely to strike oil than gas in its long pursuit of offshore riches, making it easier for the African state to exploit any windfall but also potentially upsetting the fragile recovery led by its Western-backed government.

The waters off Somalia, best known for years of piracy, may harbor hydrocarbons at a depth where crude is usually found, seismic services company Spectrum said last week its research showed. This is unlike the seas further south along the African coastline where gas is abundant.

That would be good news for Somalia, which would likely find pumping out oil onto tankers easier than securing the multi-billion dollar investment needed to liquefy gas for export.

Oil revenues could transform Somalia‘s economy, where many people rely on subsistence livestock farming. However, it could prove a challenge for a government trying to rebuild a nation battered by clan rivalries and Islamist insurgents after it descended into war in 1991.

“Disagreements between the member states and the federal government could fuel violence and corruption in a country that is still very much trying to build and extend governance,” said Ahmed Soliman, an expert at British think-tank Chatham House.

Some fear oil rigs could also become a new target for pirates, who were the scourge of commercial shipping on nearby trade routes until naval protection and costly security on ships drove them away. The last major hijacking was reported in 2012.

“Somalia is still extremely fragile and hence the risk of the piracy resurfacing is a concern,” said Cyrus Mody, assistant director in the ICC International Maritime Bureau.

SEAS OF BLACK GOLD

Onshore exploration in Somalia took place in the 1950s but the collapse of the government and ensuing conflict 25 years ago kept oil firms away. Much of the geophysical data that had been gathered by the state was lost or destroyed.

But explorers have been spurred on by finds of offshore gas in Tanzania and Mozambique and onshore oil in Kenya and Uganda, although exploiting those reserves has been hamstrung by the slide in oil prices and retrenchment by oil firms.

“It is very prospective,” Neil Hodgson, vice president for geoscience at Spectrum, told Reuters, adding that Somalia‘s source rock was similar to that found in Mozambique and Tanzania but the deposits were not as deep, suggesting oil over gas.

Spectrum has acquired 20,000 km of 2D data from the government and shot 20,000 km itself as part of its research.

The so-called “gas window” for gas reserves occurs at depths of three to six kms and extremely high temperatures. Oil is usually found at lower temperatures, between two and four kms.

ROUND ONE BEGINS

Somalia is pressing on with its exploration plans. Last week, officials announced its first offshore hydrocarbon licensing round at a conference in Cape Town.

The initial round will cover areas off central and southern Somalia and will exclude shallow water block concessions signed in 1988 with Shell and Exxon Mobil.

Abdulkadir Hussein, technical director-general in Somalia‘s Petroleum Ministry, said a new majority-state owned national oil company and regulatory body should be operational next year.

Initially, the state oil firm would get a free 10 percent stake in all hydrocarbon ventures.

“Later, when the company becomes established it will participate with its own money, up to a limit of 30 percent,” he told Reuters.

Jamal Mursal, the Somali Oil Ministry’s permanent secretary, said Somalia was working to build capacity to handle the new industry. “We have more to do but are getting there,” he said.

But investors will also need more reassurance about doing business with a government that has had to fend off past criticism from donors about corruption and poor management. The country also needs to put in place legislation.

“There’s still uncertainty about the exact implementation of the petroleum law at all levels of government,” said Ed Hobey, an analyst with Africa Risk Consulting.

Reuters

Close to 30 people have died in violent clashes in Somalia over the weekend. The country is supposed to hold elections this December. DW spoke to presidential aspirant Fadumo Dayib.

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and its affiliate, the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ), have today strongly condemned the killing of journalist Mahad Ali Mohamed in Central Somalia.

According to NUSOJ, Mahad Ali Mohamed who was working for Radio Codka Mudug (Voice of Mudug Radio) was seriously wounded in the head on Sunday morning after a stray bullet hit him as he was leaving his house for work and he was rushed to Galkayo Hospital where he succumbed to the wound he sustained and was pronounced dead.

There is a renewed armed conflict between forces loyal to Puntland and Galmudug states which are part of Somalia federal states. Both regional administrations claim the control of Galkayo town.

In presenting NUSOJ’s condolences to Mahad’s family and friends, NUSOJ Secretary General Omar Faruk Osman said, “We urge all journalists working in Mudug region, particularly in Galkayo, to exercise maximum caution while performing their professional duties. The escalation of violence that has now hit Galkayo is getting unbearable. Puntland and Galmudug authorities must stop the war and give dialogue a chance so that the bloodshed stops”.

“We mourn the death of our colleague Mahad Ali Mohamed who was murdered in a senseless war in central Somalia. We are deeply concerned about the renewed violence in Galkayo which puts journalists’ lives in danger. We urge journalists in Mudug region to be vigilant and protect themselves” said Anthony Bellanger, IFJ General Secretary.

Mahad Ali Mohamed is the third journalist murdered in Somalia in this year. Galkayo is the second most deadly town in Somalia for journalists, according to the National Union of Somali Journalists.

IFJ stands in full solidarity with its affiliate NUSOJ and particularly endangered journalists in Mudug region who are working amidst deadly violence.

IFJ

Recurrent drought in Somaliland is affecting lives and livelihoods. In the last 30 years there have been seven major shocks or “bad” years in Togdheer region alone of these six have occurred the last 15 years according to the findings of a consultative workshop on seasonal livelihood programming in the Hawd livelihood zone of the Burao and Oodweyne districts of Somaliland, which I have attended. Such shocks or draughts in Togdheer region had various names identified in the consultative workshop such as:

Date                           Name in Somalia        Name in English

1. 1934-1935                            Baha                      Widespread droughts.
2. 148-1949                              Siigo As                 Red dust
3. 1950-1951                      Doomle                 the Boats.
4. 1959-1960                     Gadhigadhisaar        Truck on Truck
5. 1975-1976                            Dabdheer            Long tail-long-lasting.
6. 1979-1980                            Dhumato             the unexpected.
7. 1984-1985                            Soor biyowar     Lack of food and water.
8. 1999-2000                            Qailowayn           The big cry
9. 2004-2005                            Alla allay               God God.
10. 2006-2007                            Taag                       Run away.

One of the main findings of that consultative workshop was, as shocks increase in frequency and intensity, households will not have sufficient time to recover before the next shock occurs, and over time coping capacities become increasingly destructive which will push households deeper into vulnerability.

Thus, it is imperative that authorities should not wake up only one households lost their assets and the situation becomes serious rather they should plan appropriate strategies for building pastoralist communities resilience capacity to shocks and recurrent droughts. Seasonal forecasting capabilities should be put in place to make appropriate preparations and coping mechanisms.

Similarly rain water catchment capacities should be enhanced and appropriate water facilities installed. Inter departmental coordination as far as the pastrolist communities support should be aligned with their priorities needs. Lack of inter departmental coordination risks spreading the efforts of respective departments and some times results work duplication.

On the other hand some politicians use the predicament of pastoralists communities for their political advantages, trying to deny the democratic right of the pastoralists to choose who they want in office. Such politicians are cowards and merciless, since they do nothing to prevent or mitigate such calamities but only try to utilize to further their political ambitions. Of course, it is essential that Somaliland government and the citizens at large to extend hand to the current draught victims, especially big corruptions and companies which normally do not pay fully their chargeable tax to the treasury.

Those politicians in our country whom are calling stalling the democratic process for the sake of the draught are wrong since supporting the victims of the draught and at the same getting ready for the March 2017 Presidential elections can be done hand in hand. Such elections preparations include getting the final voter list, securing the share of the election budget expected from the donors and distribution of voting cards etc.

By:Mohammed Dahir Ahmed

An internationally organized conference aimed at discussing on media related issues kicked off in Hargeisa yesterday. The well organized and attended ceremony was held at Mansour Hotel yesterday and saw the attendance of Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA), Free Press and media stakeholders. More than 150 reporters from all provinces in the country attended and held discussion sessions aimed at brainstorming and exchanging views on the best possible ways to overcome constraints that are faced with local practicing reporters and the way forward for media and reporters. The event which is due to be concluded on Wednesday (tomorrow) will issue a press release on media status quo in Somaliland. The press statement also focused on media being a cornerstone as one of the pillars of the nation in its development.The attendees addressed ways to overcome the challenges that the media confront on a daily day basis. The locally organized summit, the first of its kind since SOLJA’s inception saw the attendance of the assistant minister for information, Ms. Shukri Harir and Mr. Hirsi Ali Hasan, the ex-presidential affairs minister who joined forced with Wadani opposition party and being appointed as their leader.

Ruling Kulmiye party spokesman, Hasan Mohamed Ali also took part the high-level summit.SOLJA’s Executive Director, Yahye briefed the attendees of the objective of the conference in his opening remarks.Additionally, he said that the major aim of the gathering is to solicit the solutions need to resolve the media challenges. Mr. Yahye, asserted that it was significant for the practicing journalists to get to know each other at a regional level. He stated that introducing reporters from all provinces so as to entrench close cooperating rapport. The sitting SOLJA Chairman, Mohamoud Abdi Jama stressed that the mission behind its establishment was to protect and promote media interest at nationwide. He affirmed that one of its objectives was to oversee the freedom of the press in Somaliland. The incumbent SOLJA chairperson announced that during the 14 years of its inception that  the association did a lot for local journalists in Somaliland. He also announced at the same time that SOLJA will hold a symposium which will train local reporters on media laws

The people of the Republic of Somaliland overwhelmingly voted for a constitution in 2001 referendum. All laws and policies are subsidiary to that Constitution and shall conform. Considering the constitutional principles as key and vital for WADDANI Patriotic Party policies, we hereby issue this position paper to clarify in detail the WADDANI Government policy on the media.

Since the declaration of independence of Somaliland, there have been skirmishes between different Somaliland Governments and the growing media sector. Despite series of attempts made to resolve the problem, no durable solution was reached over the years. The main weakness of these efforts has been its failure to address the root causes of the problem. on the one hand, there is a Constitution that fully guarantees freedom of media and freedom of expression in general. On the other hand, the old culture and laws of Siad Barre regime continue to be applied in Somaliland.

The conflict between the constitutional principles based on the international democratic standards and the use of outdated laws remains to pose a serious obstacle to media development. Journalists are arrested and prosecuted according to the Penal Law. Media houses are banned or suspended indefinitely. Such actions not only violate the basic rights and freedoms of journalists, but also harm the good image of Somaliland as a vibrant democratic state.

The existing Press Act (Law No. 27/2004) does not cover radios, televisions and the online media. The shortcomings in the Law is one of the hindrances and sources of tensions. Although the illiteracy is high in Somaliland, there is only one radio in Somaliland – Radio Hargeisa. Therefore, the legal gaps need to be fully addressed.

There are also undeniable concerns on the ethics and professionalism of some journalists.  There is no single university or college that teaches journalism in the entire country. The short training courses provided by certain institutions is overwhelmed by the huge demand generated by the growing Somaliland democratic culture. Additionally, there are no written or formal mechanisms in which aggrieved persons can complain against journalists.

Cognizant of the complexity of the issues at hand, and committed to provide long-lasting solutions, the WADDANI party policy is to take a holistic approach to address the above challenges. Therefore, the WADDANI government, when elected, will take appropriate action to tackle the matter. Its responses will be based on a fully inclusive and transparent consultative process, which will involve following stakeholders:  the media houses and journalists, the academia and media activists, the civil society, the Somaliland business and civic community, the public and relevant international sources as well as key Government sectors. As already declared in the WADDANI party’s 19-22 October 2016 Central Committee Meeting, and is clearly and emphatically stated in its approved Political Program, the WADDANI party favours to decriminalize media cases and the application of the civil law. Pursuant to above consultative process, it intends to develop a comprehensive Media Law that addresses all the pertinent media issues including mechanisms to address complaints and to liberalize certification matters.

The WADDANI government will cooperate with national universities to establish journalism faculties. The government will support the initiative, encourage internal and external contributions and will extend full and unequivocal backing to ensure the success of such an endeavor. Furthermore, recognizing the financial difficulties faced by many journalists and media houses to develop their capacities, a WADDANI government will work with all stakeholders to provide competitive scholarship programmes to the working journalists who cannot afford to pay university fees.

 
____________________________

Abdirashid Mohamed Adam (Jeeni)

Deputy Secretary of Information

The WADDANI Pary

President-Elect of the United States of America,
Dear Mr President-Elect,

As the President of Somaliland Republic, I extend my sincere congratulations on your election as the 45th President of the United States of America.

Today, it is more important than ever before to strengthen and ensure peace and prosperity for all American citizens and for people around the world.

Mr President-Elect, my country and people trust that America, whose values of freedom, democracy and human rights have always been a beacon of hope around the world, will fulfill it’s global obligations and will continue to make a difference when dealing with huge challenges ahead.

Yours sincerely,

Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo,
President of Republic of Somaliland,