A Yemeni child shouts on April 13, 2015 at a refugee boarding facility run by the UN High Commission for Refugees at Obock, a small port town in Djibouti located on the northern shore of the Gulf of Tadjoura, where it opens out into the Gulf of Aden. The UN said that at least 900 people had arrived in the Horn of Africa in the past 10 days including 344 Yemenis who sought refuge in Djibouti even as fresh Saudi-led air strikes pounded rebel positions across south Yemen on April 13. AFP PHOTO/Tony KARUMBA / AFP PHOTO / TONY KARUMBA

Every debate on migration, either forced or economic, is built around numbers. Every migration or asylum policy is focused on figures, and often figures alone. More importantly, a host society’s hostility towards migrants and refugees gets politically legitimised if the number of newcomers is deemed high. But it does not have to be that way.

I worked for more than two months in Obock, a tiny town of 2,000 inhabitants in northern Djibouti. Located only a few hours across the Bab al-Mandab Strait from Yemen, Obock is a transit zone for both migrants and refugees. The town hosts Markazi, a Yemeni refugee camp of approximately 1,000 people, and at one point, there were also around 1,000 irregular Ethiopian migrants in Obock on their way to Saudi Arabia.

When I first arrived in this very poor, politically marginalised Afar community (a minority ethnic group in the country which is dominated by Somalis), there was an outbreak of acute watery diarrhoea, and some cases of cholera.

However, there were no tensions between the host population, refugees and migrants. Why can’t we even imagine a similar situation somewhere in Europe? Why are all European Union states currently resisting the relocation of asylum seekers from Greece and Italy?

Migration crossroads

Djibouti is one of the poorest countries in the world. More than 23 percent of the population of only 908,349 people live in extreme poverty, according to 2015 World Bank figures.

With less than 1,000 km2 of arable land (0.04 percent of 23,200 km2) and an average annual rainfall of 5.1 inches, Djibouti suffers from a chronic food deficit. As a result, 26 percent of children below the age of five are malnourished.

Despite all of this, as a result of its geographical proximity and historical links, Djibouti is also the primary destination for refugees fleeing war in Yemen. The tiny East African country also hosts more than 11,000 refugees, including many from Somalia, Eritrea and Ethiopia, in Ali Addeh, and just under 2,300 refugees in Holl Holl. These are both refugee camps where conditions are extremely harsh as a result of limited water resources and intense temperature fluctuations.

Djibouti is also a very important hub for mixed migratory movements – population flows that include both economic migrants and those who need international protection – across the Red Sea, mainly through Obock in the northern part of the country.

Obock is unique in its location, marked by bi-directional movement of people: Yemenis cross the strait both ways depending on the security situation in their respective hometowns, while Ethiopians hope to make the crossing to the Arabian Peninsula. Irregular Ethiopian migrants – those who enter a country without neccessary authorisation or documentation – are also deported back to Obock and the surrounding area from southern Yemen.

The deportations that I witnessed coincided with the announcement of a state of emergency in Ethiopia in October 2016. Both those Ethiopians who still wanted to reach Saudi Arabia, and those who were returned from Yemen, were stranded in Obock for months, largely relying on help from the local population which has very limited resources.

There were no tensions between the local community, refugees and migrants. And this was when the overall number of refugees and migrants reached exactly the same figure as that of the host population

For a few weeks, the Migration Response Centre (MRC) in Obock, managed by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) in collaboration with the Djibouti Ministry of Interior, was not able to facilitate voluntary return of often very ill Ethiopians back to their home country as Addis Ababa did not permit IOM convoys to cross the border.

The outbreak of acute watery diarrhoea, with some cases of cholera confirmed among exhausted migrants – who had made most of their usually two-week-long journey from Ethiopia to Djibouti on foot in scorching 50-degrees heat with inadequate supplies of water and food – brought the situation in Obock to a critical point of emergency.

No backlash, no tensions

Six hundred people were crowded inside the centre, and another 300 were housed in makeshift tents outside the facility. There was a shortage of water needed for basic hygiene and sanitation necessary to contain the epidemic, nor were there enough latrines to cater for the needs of severely sick people. The centre was also understaffed.

Overall, as many as 40 percent of medical facilities in Djibouti are used by migrants. At the beginning of the diarrhoea outbreak in Obock, migrants were precluded from accessing a very basic local hospital as Djibouti authorities attempted to prioritise their citizens and registered refugees. But later the Ministry of Health revoked its initial decision as 90 percent of suspected cholera cases were recorded among Ethiopians.

After fleeing Yemen, a group of Ethiopians rest in a tent at the UNHCR Obock camp in March 2016 (AFP)

There were fears in the humanitarian community that this decision would fuel a backlash from the local Afars population who have been marginalised in the country. Human smugglers and traffickers come from the ethnic Afars community, a traditionally pastoralist people who live in all three neighbouring countries: Djibouti, Ethiopia and Eritrea.

In Obock, the smugglers – who were themselves largely refugees from Eritrea – belonged to an extremely impoverished community residing on the outskirts of the town called Fantahero.

Children play on April 13, 2015, at a refugee boarding facility run by the U.N. High Commission for Refugees at Obock, a small port town in Djibouti located on the northern shore of the Gulf of Tadjoura, where it opens out into the Gulf of Aden. (Tony Karumba/AFP/Getty Images)

Migrants who paid a higher price for their journey (in the range of $1,000-1,500) were offered water and food; those who paid less (between $200-300) had to ask for food from a local mosque or a restaurant, and try to earn some money by doing jobs such as loading and unloading twice-weekly ferries running between the capital city and Obock.

Apart from instances of chasing people who were begging away from the restaurant, and the mosque not permitting the migrants to wash themselves at their premises, there were no tensions between the local community, refugees and migrants. And this was when the overall number of refugees and migrants reached exactly the same figure as that of the host population.

Political will

Now let us go back to Europe, arguably one of the most wealthy and safe continents in the world. After the start of the so-called “refugee crisis” in September 2015, the European Council came up with a plan based on the principle of solidarity and burden-sharing which includes intra-EU temporary emergency relocation of asylum seekers who are “in clear need of international protection” from Greece and Italy, to help those countries at the borders of Europe cope with the pressure of hosting new arrivals.

It’s not because we cannot afford or manage to take in refugees. It is simply because we do not want to welcome those people on our soil

In total, as a result of the council’s first and second decisions, 39,600 persons were to be relocated from Italy and 66,400 from Greece. One year later, in September 2016, a decision was adopted allocating a remaining 54,000 places for the legal admission of Syrians from Turkey to the EU.

The council established a two-year timeframe to meet the targets. If all member states delivered on their obligations, relocating all those eligible in Italy and Greece would be feasible by September 2017. But this has not been the case and the current pace of relocation is still below the European Council-endorsed target of at least 3,000 monthly relocations from Greece, and at least 1,500 monthly relocations from Italy.

A child stands with his father in front of offices of the European Union protected by police forces, during a demonstration in Athens by Greek anti-fascist groups against the war in Syria and the EU’s stance on refugees in March 2017 (AFP)

Only two member states – Malta and Finland – are on track to meet their obligations, whereas some – Hungary, Austria and Poland – have refused to participate in the scheme. Others like the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Croatia and Slovakia are taking part on a very limited basis.

At the time of writing, pressure remains high in both Greece and Italy with less than 14 percent of asylum seekers relocated so far. France is the country that has relocated the largest number of applicants (2,758) so far, followed by Germany (2,626) and the Netherlands (1,486). The contrast, if you think back to Obock now, a town of 2,000 with 2,000 newcomers is, frankly, quite absurd.

The reception of refugees, in fact, has nothing to do with a country’s resources, size or population. It is only a matter of political will. Having removed the notion of hospitality from our political discourse, we are faced with a seemingly rational paradigm of numbers, which, in reality, is not rational at all. It only projects a picture of a political space defined by deterrence, whereby we are not willing to offer safe haven to people who are fleeing human rights violations and war.

And that is not because we cannot afford it, or cannot manage it; it is simply because we do not want to welcome those people on our soil.

– Dr Natalia Paszkiewicz is an anthropologist with a particular interest in migration and refugee studies. She has been working with refugees for over ten years in the UK, Malta, Ethiopia and Djibouti. 

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Photo: A Yemeni child shouts on 13 April 2015 at a refugee boarding facility run by the UN High Commission for Refugees at Obock, a small port town in Djibouti located on the northern shore of the Gulf of Tadjoura, where it opens out into the Gulf of Aden (AFP)

Drought has decimated livestock in the breakaway republic of Somaliland, killing even camels who can go months without a sip of water. But the lack of rain and lack of help is beginning to take human lives as well. For VOA, Abdulaziz Osman traveled to the Sool region of Somaliland and has this report.

Paramilitary Force Killed 21, Detained Dozens, in June 2016

(Nairobi) – Ethiopian authorities have failed to hold accountable a paramilitary force that killed at least 21 villagers in the Somali region of Ethiopia in June 2016. The government should promptly grant access to independent international monitors to investigate these killings and other reported abuses by this force, known as the “Liyu police.”

On June 5, 2016, Liyu police members entered the village of Jaamac Dubad in eastern Ethiopia’s Somali Regional State after an officer had been wounded in a dispute with local traders. The police started shooting indiscriminately, killing at least 14 men and seven women, and then looted shops and houses. Nine months later, survivors said they were not aware of any investigation into the killings and had not received any compensation.

 

“Liyu police killed 21 villagers in the Somali region and devastated this vulnerable community, but there’s no sign that the government is working to bring anyone to justice for these killings,” said Felix Horne, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Ethiopian authorities should end their indifference to the murderous operations by this paramilitary force and work with international monitors to investigate their abuses.”

Ethiopian authorities created the Liyu (“special” in Amharic) police for the Somali region in 2007, when an armed conflict between the insurgent Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the government escalated. By 2008, the Liyu police had become a prominent counterinsurgency force recruited and led by then-regional security chief Abdi Mohammed Omar, known as “Abdi Illey.” Abdi Illey became the president of Somali Regional State in 2010, and the Liyu police continue to report to him.

The Liyu police have frequently been implicated in extrajudicial killings, torture, rape, and violence against people in the Somali region, as well as in retaliatory attacks against local communities. There has also been growing evidence of attacks by the group against communities outside of the Somali region, including in the Oromia region since late December 2016, and in Somalia.

Between December and February 2017, Human Rights Watch interviewed 31 residents of Jaamac Dubad and people from nearby villages, including 10 witnesses to the June 5 killings who had fled to neighboring Somaliland.

Survivors and witnesses to the June 5 violence said that the Liyu police entered and encircled the village with vehicles, then fired randomly at people gathered in the market and at women near their homes and shops, and directly at those who tried to flee. Witnesses said that they had not seen any of their community members using firearms in response.

“The bullets were flying all over the place,” said a 40-year-old woman. “I came out of my house, saw that many people were fleeing, and saw people in uniform shooting. … With my four children, I just left my house. The Liyu police were shooting as we fled.” She said that two women running behind her were shouting that they had been hit.

During the shooting, many residents fled the village. The next day, the Liyu police prevented residents from returning to bury the 21people killed. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that when they were able to return, they found that there had been widespread looting of shops and houses in the village, with food, goods, and money missing.

In the ensuing weeks, the Liyu police conducted a disarmament operation in neighboring villages, detaining dozens of residents and beating several.

Since 2007, the Ethiopian government has imposed tight controls on access to the Somali region for independent journalists and human rights monitors. Ethiopia’s regional and federal governments should urgently facilitate access for investigations by independent human rights investigators, including the United Nations special rapporteur on extrajudicial and summary executions, of the shootings at Jaamac Dubad and other alleged serious abuses by the Liyu police, Human Rights Watch said. The governments should promptly compensate those harmed and the families of those killed.

“The Liyu police’s killing of 21 people is one in a long list of serious abuses for which this force has escaped scot-free,” Horne said. “The scale of their abuses over the last decade warrants international scrutiny, and Ethiopia’s international supporters should push for access to independent investigators into the Somali region to ensure that no one else has to suffer at their hands.”

Abuses in Ethiopia’s Somali Region

The Somali region has been the site of a low-level insurgency by the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) for more than a decade and a major counterinsurgency campaign since April 2007. However, the area has not been directly affected by the largely peaceful protests that have swept Ethiopia since 2015 or the government’s bloody crackdown on them.

In a June 2008 report, Human Rights Watch found that the Ethiopian National Defense Force and the ONLF had committed war crimes in the Somali region between mid-2007 and early 2008, and that the Ethiopian armed forces could be responsible for crimes against humanity. These abuses have never been independently investigated.

The Liyu police was established as part of the counter-insurgency campaign. Human Rights Watch has received credible allegations of abuses by the Liyu police, including extrajudicial killings, torture, rape, and other abuses of civilians accused of being members of or sympathetic to the ONLF.

The government has responded to reports of abuses in the Somali region over the years by severely restricting or controlling access for journalists, human rights groups, and aid organizations. Criticism of the local authorities, particularly of Abdi Illey, the regional president, is not tolerated, both inside and outside of Ethiopia. Arbitrary arrests and mistreatment of family members of Ethiopian-Australians who protested Abdi Illey’s June 2016 visit to Australia illustrates the regional authorities’ ongoing repression of dissent, Human Rights Watch said.

Human Rights Watch has also found other evidence of Liyu police abuses against people in parts of the Somali region that had never been a source of support for the ONLF, including in the Gashaamo district, largely populated by the ethnic Somali Isaaq clan. In 2012, the Liyu police summarily executed 10 people and committed other serious abuses, including torture and looting, in four villages in the Gashaamo district. Human Rights Watch received credible reports of reprisal killings against civilians, including women and children, in May and June 2015, following fighting between the Liyu police and clan militia near the Somalia border. A United Nations security council monitoring group found that an estimated 30 to 40 people were killed.

Since December 2016, credible reports have emerged of Liyu police incursions into the neighboring Oromia region. While there has been sporadic fighting on both sides of the Oromia-Somali regional border areas between ethnic Oromo and Somali pastoralists, sometimes involving the Liyu police, recent incidents have been far more violent, involving armed men on both sides. Dozens of casualties have been reported to Human Rights Watch, including many civilians in Oromia. Restrictions on access have made it difficult to corroborate details.

Killings in Jaamac Dubad, June 2016

On June 5, 2016, a Liyu police officer was injured, according to second-hand sources, during a shootout between Liyu police forces and unidentified gunmen linked to local traders of khat, a stimulant grown in the Ethiopian highlands. According to residents and media reports, Liyu police members had tried to confiscate a vehicle owned by local traders after it was involved in an accident with a government ambulance. The shootout occurred near Jaamac Dubad in the Gashaamo district, when the Liyu police towed the car away.

Around midday, Liyu police vehicles entered Jaamac Dubad apparently looking for those involved in the shootout. Ten survivors and witnesses said that Liyu police began firing indiscriminately around the village and directly at fleeing people. Residents, including people who saw their relatives’ bodies, said that at least four women and two men had been shot in the upper body and head.

One community elder said Liyu police arrested him and two other elders as they headed toward the village: “We were two kilometers outside Jaamac Dubad walking toward it when the Liyu police drove by, stopped their vehicles, and grabbed us. They choked me and threw me to the ground. I broke a vertebra in my lower neck.” He showed Human Rights Watch an X-ray of the broken bone. The elder said he was later sentenced for illegally assisting khat traders and imprisoned for over two months.

While pastoralist communities such as those in and around Jaamac Dubad are likely to have small arms to protect their animals, Human Rights Watch did not find any evidence that residents in the village engaged that day in armed resistance to the Liyu police. One resident said she saw the former village administrator run into his house to pick up his gun after the Liyu police entered the village but said he was gunned down before he was able to shoot at anyone.

“Abdi,” an elderly man who was in the market when the shooting started said:

Vehicles drove quickly into town and slammed on the brakes, [Liyu] police got out, and immediately started firing at people. They weren’t firing into the air. Sometimes they would shoot directly at people, other times they were just randomly shooting at the crowds. People were running everywhere, only to find their way blocked by the Liyu police. If those running managed to make it through, the Liyu police would chase after them shooting.

An 80-year-old man saw another elderly man trying to escape toward the eastern part of the town. He said: “Dhabuke was running and was shot by a soldier from behind. He was hit in the shoulders and fell face forward. He died immediately.”

One young woman was holding her 5-month-old son when she was fatally shot. The baby was hit in the chest and leg but survived. The woman’s mother and a neighbor were also killed. A family member described the wounds she saw:

My sister had been hit on the lower arm and in the head. My mother was hit in the left side under her breast. The other woman [a neighbor] had a big [gunshot] wound, just in the middle of her chest.

During the shootings, a number of people ran into the village mosque seeking shelter. Liyu police officers pursued them and fired through the main door into the mosque. At least one elderly man, “Abdirahman,” was wounded – shot in the leg – while inside the mosque.

At least two men managed to escape through another door. Mohamed, 60, said, “My cousin ran out of the door [of the mosque] facing the market. He was shot in the side of the head. They [the Liyu police] were five meters from him, chasing him, there was two of them, behind them were two others, and behind them were two more.”

Altogether, the shooting lasted one hour.

The Liyu police detained several men and women outdoors until the following afternoon. The baby boy who was seriously injured was handed over to those detained, as the baby’s aunt later learned. She said:

There were women who were held as prisoners by the Liyu police around Jaamac Dubad. They were released at 4 p.m. [on June 6]. One of them had my nephew with her. I asked how they had found the child, and they said that a government representative from Gashaamo came to us when they were detained and gave them the child. He had told the women that the child had received first aid and that his dead mother had been holding him when they found him.

Residents fled the fighting into the countryside and neighboring villages. For almost a day after the killings, the Liyu police prevented other residents from returning to the village to bury their dead.

“Abdirahman” managed to crawl back to his home the following morning:

My macawis [Somali sarong] was full of blood and it was becoming hard, so I wanted to change it. But when I arrived at my house, I searched for my macawis and I couldn’t find any. My mattress, my mosquito net, my bed sheets, my pillows, everything was missing from my house.

He said that on the morning of June 6, while the Liyu police and Ethiopian forces were still restricting entrance into the village, he and another man who was badly injured were given first aid, and driven in a private vehicle to the nearest hospital, in the town of Gashaamo, about 25 kilometers away.

The forces allowed residents to return in the afternoon of June 6. Residents as well as people from neighboring villages came to bury the dead. The Liyu police, along with Ethiopian army officials and local officials, were present throughout the burial. Two residents said that the mayor of Gashaamo ordered the residents to be silent throughout the burial and not to cry. The residents dug a mass grave then left the village again. As one woman who lost two family members said: “We were scared, we had no time, so we buried them all in one big grave. Everyone worked to put the bodies to rest. The Liyu police were all over the place.”

Residents of Jaamac Dubad, including witnesses to the killings and people who arrived the day of the burial, all said that their shops and houses had been looted of property, food, and money after the shootings. While most had not seen the looting, they believed that the Liyu police were responsible. One man who was among the residents detained overnight in the village said he saw the Liyu police looting his shop early on the evening of June 5.

The incident occurred shortly before the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, so the shops were better stocked than usual. The aunt of the injured baby said:

My sister who was killed had come from Hargeisa [capital of Somaliland] – she had only been back in the village 10 days – she had brought a lot of food and sugar. When we went to our house we saw that they had taken the clothes and food. I also saw that they had broken into many of the shops.

Arbitrary Detention, Ill-Treatment During Disarmament

In the weeks following the June 5 killings, the Liyu police conducted a disarmament operation in the villages neighboring Jaamac Dubad, including Bodadheere, Gorgor, Ina Nur Muse, all inhabited by communities from the same sub-clans as Jaamac Dubad. They arrested dozens of people, detaining them in makeshift facilities, trying to get them to turn over their guns. Human Rights Watch spoke to nine people who were detained during operations. They said that they thought that the Liyu police feared that the local community would retaliate against them for the killings.

Several residents said that the Liyu police kicked and beat them with gun butts on their backs and shoulders when they were first detained and later in detention when they failed to produce a gun.

The Liyu police detained residents between two days and a month without charge, while the community was ordered to collect enough weapons to secure their release. Liyu police detained women to get the weapons belonging to husbands or fathers who were not there. One woman said she was detained for two days with her baby. Another woman said she was among 13 women detained in the Ina Nur Muse village school:

I was held for 13 days. There were six of us in one classroom, and seven in another. They would beat us with their gun butts, they would pull us out of the classroom to beat us and convince us to hand over guns. They would give us one meal in detention in the evening. I have five children, who I could not see during detention. My uncle in Bilincle [a village in Somaliland] sent a gun to secure my release.

Those interviewed by Human Rights Watch had fled their homes in the days following the shootings and the sweeps. Many had not returned to their homes as of December 2016 because of the violence and an ongoing drought. Some have nothing to return to. One 33-year-old woman said: “I was married with seven children and had a shop. But now my shop is looted and closed, and my husband is dead. My little baby was just 10 days old when it happened. I am very upset and don’t want to go back, but my home is there.”

HRW

Press Release

1.1 INTRODUCTION

This quarterly report on media covers from 10th December 2016 to 31st March 2017.  Human Rights Centre issues a report every four months on the situation of media in Somaliland. In last four months 11 journalists were detained.
On 19th January 2017, the Minister of Information Osman Sahardid, warned the media not to report on any issue related to a military base that was granted by Somaliland government to the United Arab Emeritus. The Minister spoke after the Parliament in a joint session approved the United Arab Emeritus to establish a military base at the port town of Berbera.
Table A: Number of detentions in each region.
Region    Number of Detentions
1    Hargeisa    7
2    Sool    1
3    Awdal    1
4    Saahil    1
5    Sanaag    1
6    Togdheer    0
Total    11

1.2 RECOMMENDATIONS
To the government of Somaliland
⦁    Stop criminalization of the media and halt detention and trial of journalists;
⦁    Allow opening of new media houses and transfers of media houses to new owners;
⦁    Lift the ban from the suspended newspapers of Hubsad, Codka Shacakba and Haatuf;
To the judiciary
⦁    Stop applying the Penal Code against journalist and apply the Press Law and Somaliland constitution;
To the civil society organizations
⦁    Support Somaliland journalists and media houses in tackling arrests and criminal prosecutions ;
⦁    Support decriminalization of media and advocate for the banned newspapers.
2.1 DETENTIONS   

From 10th December 2016 to 31st March 2017, 11 journalists have been detained in Somaliland. Below is the details of the cases.
⦁    Khadar Saleban Maah,
⦁    Mohamed Abdilahi Warsame
Khadar Saleban Maah, Universal TV, and Mohamed Abdilahi Warsame of Togaherer news website were detained in New Hargeisa Police Station on 17th January 2017. The two reporters were reporting a people who gathered at Hargeisa Municipality main office along with members of the Hargeisa Local Government Council to complain about a land dispute. The two journalists were released at the same day.
⦁    Abdi Muridi
Abdi Muridi Ajax, a comedian and host of a satire television program called Faaliyaha Qaranka of Universal TV was arrested on 20th January 2017. He was deported back to Mogadishu against his will.

⦁
⦁    Mohamed Adam Jama
Mohamed Adam Jama, Universal TV reporter based in Garadag district of Sanaag region, was arrested on 30th January 20117. He was released on 6th February. Mohamed was arrested after he reported allegations made by residents accusing the local police facilitation of contraband.

⦁    Luqman Mohamed Farah, and
⦁    Abdirahim Ahmed Mahdi,
On 8th February 2017, Luqman Mohamed Farah, Bulsho TV, and Abdirahim Ahmed Mahdi, Bulsho TV, were briefly detained in Haleeya, east of Hargeisa. They were covering drivers of water tank truckers who were complaining about raised tax. They were released on the same day without charges.
⦁    Abdimalik Mouse Oldoon,
Abdimalik Mouse Oldoon, a freelance journalist, who was arrested on 15th February by the government over accusations that he supported and campaigned for a presidential candidate in presidential election that took place in Mogadishu on 8th February.
Abdimalik was arrested after he returned from Mogadishu. On 18th February he was brought to Hargeisa Regional Court which remanded him seven days in custody. On 26th February the court remanded him another seven days.  His trial started 4th April and ended 5th April. The court set 8th April to pronounce its judgment.
The police accused Abdimalik of “offending the honour or prestige of the head of state”, “anti-national activity of a citizen abroad” and “publication of false news capable of disturbing the public order”, according to the charges submitted by the police.
⦁    Mohamed Baashe Hassan
On 20th February 2017, about 10:30pm local time, the police of Somaliland arrested Mohamed Baashe Hassan, a prominent journalist and author, who is currently the director of Star TV. Mohamed attended an event held at Maansoor Hotel Hargeisa to commemorate the Somaliland National Youth Day, which is the anniversary of 20th February 1982 when the military regime of Siad Barre cracked down students protesting against detention of educators. Mohamed was among the students who participated in the protest.
At the event, Mohamed expressed his discontent on the manner the government handled a military base granted to the United Arab Emirates to be established at Berbera. The police accused Mohamed inciting the public and disturbing the public order. He was released in 25th February on bail.
⦁    Abdirahman Mohamed Ege
Abdirahman Mohamed Ege, was briefly arrested on 16th February 2017. Abdirahman was arrested on the order of the governor of Saahil region. He was arrested while he was filming a government owned land that was purportedly given to private citizens. He was not charged of any crime.

⦁    Mohamed Shaqale Omar
Mohamed Shaqale Omar, a reporter for Somali Cable TV, was arrested on 4th March 2017 in Laas Anod. He was released at the same day without charges.
⦁    Ali Idiris Farah (Hagjar)
On 6th March 2017, Ali Idiris Farah (Hagjar), Star TV, was arrested in Sayla district of Awdal region. He was arrested after he prepared a report on a building soil that is exported to Djibouti. The regional authorities and the owners of the company that exports the soil were infuriated by the reporting and detained the journalist before he even aired the news report. He was released on 9th March 2017 without charges. He was not brought to court during his detention.
3.1 CASES
On 25th February 2017 appeal court in Hargeisa upheld regional court decision that acquitted Cabdirashiid Nuur Wacays, chairman of Hubsad newspaper and Siciid Khadar Cabdilaahi, editor-in-chief of Hubsad newspaper. On 12th November 2016, Hargeisa Regional Court acquitted the two journalists who were accused of publication of false news and running unlicensed newspaper. The Office of the Attorney General appealed against the court decision and demanded the imprisonment of the two journalists. The appeal court rejected the request of the prosecution office, but upheld the suspension of the newspaper. The court ruled the Hubsad shall not be published until “pending registration process is fulfilled”. Both the Office of the Attorney General and the journalists appealed to the Supreme Court.

About Human Rights Centre
Human Rights Centre (HRC) is a local human rights watchdog based in Somaliland. HRC was established in 2013. It is registered with the Somaliland government as a non-profit, non-governmental organization. HRC was formed to cover the need for documentation and advocacy for human rights to help maintain the gains in Somaliland’s nascent democracy.
Human Rights Centre (HRC) strongly advocates for the freedom and independence of journalists and media houses. HRC issues press releases, holds campaign rallies and carries lobbying for the cause of journalists and media freedoms. HRC has been advocating for decriminalization of media and application of the Press Law. It provides legal aid to the journalists who are arrested or are under legal proceedings.

Human Rights Centre is governed by Board of Directors. The majority of board members are female human rights defenders including its deputy chairpersons and secretary general.

HRC can be reached through: email: hrcsomaliland@gmail.com Phone: +252 (0)63 4102244 website:  http://www.hrcsomaliland.org/

Piracy in the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean started in 2005 by Somalia parities and reached its

climax in 2011 when they have attempted to hijack 237 vessels and at year’s end, seized 11

vessels, keeping a total of 216 people as hostages. At the time parities used to make on average

2 million dollars for every ship seized and ransomed.

Oceans beyond piracy (OBP) estimated the total 2015 costs related to Somalia piracy to be $1.4

Billion. A lion share of this cost was appropriated for anti piracy activities including deployment

of warships and recruiting of private security army personnel aboard on ships

Source: Oceans beyond piracy (0BP).

As reported by Aljazeera in 15 March 2017 –“A volatile build –up of weapons and resentment

along the northern Somali coast of (Punt land) culminated in the hijack of an oil freighter this

week, the first such seizure by Somali pirates since 2012, experts and locals say”. Aljazeera

further reports on the cause of piracy resurfacing on the coast of Somalia-“The lull encouraged

foreign fishing vessels to return to Somali waters, locals told Reuters news agency, fuelling

resentment."If you look at the sea at night, there are so many lights outs there [from fishing

vessels]. It looks like New York," complained one former Somali official who asked not to be

named.

A volatile build-up of weapons and resentment along the northern Somali coast culminated in

the hijack of an oil freighter this week, the first such seizure by Somali pirates since 2012,

experts and locals say.

Gunmen hijacked the Aris 13, a small oil tanker, on Monday and are demanding a ransom to

release the ship and its eight Sri Lankan crew, the European Union Naval Force that patrols the

waters off Somalia said on Wednesday. The final straw, he said, was when seven Thai fishing

vessels docked at Bosaso port last month. The ships paid the local government more than

$672,000 for fishing licenses, a government contract showed. The move infuriated locals who

felt they would see neither fish nor the cash.”

The main causes of piracy resurfacing are illegal fishing, corrupt authorities, rural economic

deprivation due to drought and the dumping of waste on the sea. As long as such factors exist

attempts to hijack ships will continue, since the solution does not lie onshore but offshore by

removing the real causes of piracy on the ground.

The Republic of Somaliland with its coast on the Gulf of Aden kept away piracy on its coast.

However corrupted politicians, economic inequality, unemployemnt, recurrent ardent drought

and various other grievances may force youth to resort undesirable ends such as piracy.

Therefore,Paricy in the Gulf of Aden and the Indian ocean could not be uprooted on mounting

armed personnel on ships but it could removed by solving the real causes on the ground which

is economic deprivation, bad governance, corruption (fishing licenses),and ardent recurrent

drought.

By:Mohammed Dahir Ahmed

M_ddahir@hotmail.co.uk

Dubai government-owned P&O Ports said yesterday that it has signed a deal to develop the port at Bosaso, which is located in the Gulf of Aden on Somalia’s northern border in the semi-auto­nomous state of Puntland.

The deal follows months of shuttle diplomacy by Puntland president Abdiweli Mohamed Ali, who has been lobbying potential international partners to agree several infrastructure projects in the state, including the port.

P&O said that it would develop the port in two phases and has a 30-year management concession, with a total investment estimated to be US$336 million.

Mr Ali flew to Dubai to finalise terms on Monday, the same day that Somalia’s federal parliament agreed a $268m budget for this year.

A spokesman for P&O said he was unaware of the financing terms for the project.

Somalia, which has been devastated by a civil war that has persisted for more than two decades, raises 60 per cent of its state revenue from harbour and airport taxes, with the remainder coming from supranational institutions, like the IMF, or foreign private sector operators, according to Garowe Online, an independent news outlet.

Construction of a small airport in Bosaso, for example, was part-funded by a London-listed company that had paid for the rights to resume a search for oil in Puntland on a concession that ConocoPhillips abandoned in the 1990s.

“Infrastructure development is a priority for the government of Puntland as it underpins the efforts of taking this country forward,” said Mr. Ali in a statement released with news of the port deal.

On Monday, Puntland’s regional parliament approved China Civil Engineering and Construction Corporation, a Chinese government-owned enterprise with a large presence in Africa, to build a road from Puntland’s capital, Garowe, to the port town of Eyl road and an airport at Galkayo.

Puntland has been relatively stable compared to violence in Somalia’s southern state, although it has suffered periodic attacks from the Al Shabaab terrorist group, which have targeted particularly the large Ethiopian refugee camp at Bosaso. But most of the trouble in Puntland has been criminal in nature, most notably sea piracy based around Eyl.

After a period of declining activity in recent years, Puntland pirates have been active this year and on Monday, the Pakistani vessel Salama 1 became the fourth hijacking this year, hot on the heels of the hijacking of the Al Kauser, a dhow en route from Dubai to Yemen.​

The National

HARGEISA— Danish Ambassador to Kenya, Ms. Mette Knudsen arrives in Hargeisa, Somaliland capital on Thursday. The mission of Danish ambassador to Kenya is to assess the impact of the aftermath of the catastrophic drought that battered the lifes of  nomads in Somaliland’s rural areas.

Somaliland foreign minister, Dr. Sa’ad Ali Shire said that Ms. Mette Knudsen is in Somaliland for consolidating the bilateral ties between the two countries.Denmark is among the EU nations that supports Somaliland when it comes to the Somaliland Development Fund (SDF). The FM has taken the chance to thank the people and the gov’t of Denmark for the generous donation and support it provides to Somaliland.

The formation of the Somali National Movement ( SNM ) was sparked by that general mass discontent with Siad Barre’s Regime.  The initiative was made by members of the Isaac Communities outside the country  particularly in the United Kingdom and the Middle East, who were free from the intimidation and repression of the regime.  In late 1978 and early 1979 mobilizations intended to upgrade the consciousness of the Somali people started within the country.  Committees comprising of elders or community leaders, officers, intellectuals, business people, students, youth and civil servants started underground campaigns in an effort to educate the people against the evils of the Siad Barre’s regime.

At this stage in the SNM history Siyad has openly engaged in divisive and sectarian clan politics to discredit and lobby for caesura of that internal mobilization.  He has created bandits who were armed by the government and were in the military payroll to destroy total communities to instill harassment and intimidation in those communities.   During 1979 to 1980 hundreds of people, mostly women and children were massacred around Gabiley, Wajale, and Allay Baday areas. 

The opposition from within and from without the country had contacts and a smooth follow of communication for quite a considerable time.  On April 6, 1981 the Somali National Movement  ( SNM ) was officially proclaimed as an opposition organization in London, UK.   In November 1981 the residents of hargeyisa initiated self-help programs intended to upgrade the educational and health facilities of their community. 38 young professionals, intellectuals, and businessmen who were the leading organizers of the community project were imprisoned, some of them tortured.  In February 1982 they received sentences ranging from two years to life.  As a result, the first anti-government riots broke out in Hargiesa , Burao, and Sheikh Secondary Students in Sheikh.  This marked the first head-on confrontation between the public and the regime. Siad  Barre who had never experienced open public unrest was caught by surprise.  Consequently, he started a Hitler-like repression comprising of detentions, tortures, and execution.

Almost a year after the formation of SNM in London the internal wing of the SNM took a historic and daring move.  A decision was made to establish the movement in Ethiopia.  In February 1982 prominent high-ranking military officers and other government officials started deserting the regime.  A week after the execution of Colonel Abdillahi Haji Saeed in Dharkeen Geeye,  Near Burao by the regime’s man (Gani “  He  Paid the price on the hard way), the first such officers crossed the border.  Among them were Colonel Adan Sheikh Mohamed ( shiine ) “PBOH”, Colonel Ahmed Dahir ( Dhagax ) “ PBOH”, and Colonel Mohamed Kahin Ahmed. 

With the acceptance of the Ethiopia government the SNM Executive Committee, therefore moved from London to the Somali populated areas in Ethiopia in order to keep the movement close to home.  They started setting up offices and training camps.  within very short period of time groups of military officers, soldiers, intellectuals, businessmen, and students crossed the border and joined the movement.  Area nomads and villagers also joined and signed up for their training programs.  Surprisingly the SNM started attacks against the regime almost immediately.  In those attacks the SNM has inflicted great damages on Faqashi’s troops.  They also confiscated combat as well as transport vehicles, arms ammunition and communication equipments.

Following those successful attacks the SNM established more then 10 bases in the North, Central and southern border areas within a year.  The SNM, therefore, got engaged in highly sophisticated operations of national and international significance.  In January 1983 the SNM forces fulfilled a major operation at Mandhera Maximum Security Prison.  In the operation the SNM liberated hundreds of political prisoners.  They also killed more than 130 soldiers from the Mandhera and Adadley garrisons.  In a retaliatory move the regime executed 55 civilians in Adadley, Mandhera, and Go’a area.  More then one thousand were detained by the regime’s military and NSS.

On April 12, 1983, in a spectacular rescue mission, the SNM forces freed Colonel Abdillahi Askar from the highly fortified prison of the 26^th sector of the Somali army.  He was caught in Hargeisa by the security forces while fulfilling a secret mission with the SNM internal wing.  Colonel Abdillahi Askar who was savagely tortured with candles and cigarettes was to be executed the day following the evening he was rescued.

When Siad Barre realized the threat that the SNM poses to his dictatorial regime and the popular support it enjoys both in and outside the country, he  “ Afweyne” started to fight with the SNM and its supporters ferociously.  Those who lived under his jurisdiction were those who were hit hard.   They have suffered:

Indiscriminate detentions, imprisonment, and massacres.

Looting and constant confiscations of private properties.

Total blockade of food and fuel supplies.

Denial of access to water supplies during the dry seasons.

Destruction or poisoning of water reservoirs and watering wells

Burning down of entire villages and communities

Children killed and women raped.

Other communities who live in the areas where the SNM activities are prevalent have experienced a similar but a different kind of warfare.  Afweyne Barre disguised some of his regular troops as marauding bandits licensed to plunder and exterminate both human lives and their livestock.  The concerned communities with the assistance of the SNM responded to Afweyne’s barbarous raids by not only defending themselves but by also making counter attacks against the combined Afweyne forces.  In these counter attacks Afweyne’s Troops suffered a severe damage.  The following is an estimated damage that was inflicted on the Afweyne Troops:

In Mahollin area, south of Gashamo, the regime lost more than 450 soldiers in 1982 and 1984.  The area residents captured military documents, communication equipments, small arms and ammunition.

In Xaye and Qararo area it lost more than 350 including 3 officers. The area residents seized two jeeps, and armored personnel carrier ( APC ) and three army trucks.

IN Aware area Afweyne troops suffered 250 casualties in 1984 they also left behind various military equipments.

It is extremely important to mention here that the SNM has prevented a genocide that was in the making.  If the regime and its organization bandits were not checked by the forces of the area communities supported by the SNM, It is a historical fact that large portions of the Somali people would have been eliminated from the face of the earth.

The capability of the Barre troops was greatly severed in the above-mentioned operations.  The SNM on its part continued to wage constant attacks on Afweyne’s troops inside the country and forced them to opt for a defensive strategy.  A Foreign correspondent describing the situation of the Afweyne armed forces in March 1984 wrote,  “ The Somali army did not perform to any standard.  The inefficiency of the Somali armed forces is legendary among foreign military experts.  Last month Somalia shot down one of its own nine functioning aircrafts.  Military officials in Somalia have grown disgusted with the performance of the Somali army and its inability to keep anything working”.

On the other hand SNM has been growing a gaining momentum day after day.  At this stage in the struggle of the SNM to liberate the country, Afweyne Barre has desperately pulled some embarrassing tricks in an attempt to weekend the position of the SNM.  The following will be the different political games played by Afweyne Barre to strengthen his position against the MUJAAHIDIIN  SNM.

ANIIS ABDILLAHI  ESSA

FOUNDER AND HEAD OF

SOMALILAND ADVOCACY GROUP

WASHINGTON DC  USA

ANIIS@YAHOO.COM

Severe drought has displaced nearly half a million people in Somalia. In the Puntland region, herders who have lost their livestock are now seeking refuge in urban areas. Those towns are struggling to deal with the influx of displaced families. Neha Wadekar has the story for VOA from the town of Qardho.

VOA

HARGEISA— Hargeisa regional court has sentenced today Hon. Abdimalik Muse Oldon to two years imprisonment. Mr. Oldon has spent two months behind bars and was accused of throwing his weight behind the current Somali president, Mr. Farmajo.Mr. Oldon who is a reporter based in Buroa, Somaliland has also faced accusations that he defamed the current head of presidential palace spokesman.Mr. Oldon went to Mogadishu, the capital of war torn Somalia and covered on the election of Somalia president, Mr. Framajo following his defeat to the predecessor, Hasan Sheikh Mohamoud this year.

Hon. Abdimalik who spoke to the press after the judge announced the verdict said that the case of his imprisonment was politically motivated according to his opinion.He asserted that he will appeal against the verdict passed by the regional court in Hargeisa, Somaliland. The chairman of Hargeisa regional court, Dalmar who announced the verdict told that the court has showed a sense of mercy to Mr, Oldon and has dropped the fine.The chairman has further added that the court based on its decision on two accusations that was leveled against Oldon which he was found guilty.  Media and rights organizations have voiced their concern over the apprehension of Mr. Oldon who was thrown in jail by Somaliland police.

The Honorary Consulate of Somalia, which is situated in the offices of a private pharmaceutical firm in Karachi’s Clifton area, was robbed late Friday night, police said.

Senior Superintendent of Police (District South) Saqib Ismail Memon told Dawn that six or seven men entered the premises of the consulate late night.

The men took away two laptops, three mobile phones and Rs7,000 in cash, Memon said.

The police are investigating the matter.

The African nation’s honorary consulate was inaugurated last month on March 16, to celebrate 57 years of diplomatic relations between Pakistan and Somalia.

Dawn

Somali Diaspora remittance and modern mobile money transfer technology provided urgently needed relief aid to tens of thousands of nomadic people

When disaster hits somewhere in the developing world, the conventional wisdom is to look to international humanitarian organisations for assistance. But not anymore. Not if one takes the recent drought that devastated Somalia as any indication. Instead of the humanitarian organisations, it was the Somali Diaspora remittance and modern mobile money transfer technology that teamed up to provide urgently needed relief aid to the tens of thousands of nomadic people that lost their livelihoods.

In a scenario that is reminiscent of Adam Smith’s metaphor of the “Invisible Hand” which explains how free market dynamics make things happen for the greater good of society, the victims of Somalia’s recent drought saw that Invisible Hand come to their rescue through ZAAD, the mobile money transfer service, provided by the local telecommunications company, Telesom.

While local authorities of the self-declared state of Somaliland, where ZAAD Service is based, were stretched beyond their capacity to shelter, feed and provide water to the thousands of people displaced by the drought, and the international community was procrastinating in their response, it was ZAAD, which means “journey provisions” in both Somali and Arabic, that inadvertently came to the comfort of the people through its unique and highly efficient mobile-to-mobile money transfer system.

It was during a conversation with a friend in Dubai that I realised just how vital this service is in saving lives. He had received a call from his nomad relatives who informed him that they had moved from Somaliland’s hinterland across the border to Ethiopia in search of water and fodder for the remaining herd of their livestock. As soon as they reached their destination they called him for help and having ZAAD account on his phone he immediately transferred cash to them from the comfort of his office. The family had, without stepping out of their camp, ordered water and food over the phone from the shops of the nearest village and paid for it by phone transfer. This is help arriving expediently and with dignity. No bureaucracy, no complicated logistics, no fees to the beneficiary at the receiving end, no standing in dehumanising lines for food distribution, no poverty porn photos or pity charity of malnourished children, no stereotyping of Africa as a famished and wasted continent through a single story as so poignantly noted by Nigerian writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie: “They make one story become the only story.”

While technology pundits talk about the possibility of a cashless world, ZAAD Service has already made that futuristic phenomenon a reality in Somaliland, that peaceful part of Somalia which was lately in the news due to DP World taking over its port of Berbera in the Gulf of Aden. Somaliland is not only a pioneer as a cashless country but as one of the leading markets in mobile banking platforms in Africa, a phenomenon that is not only revolutionising the people’s concept of money but it also transforms the way urgently needed assistance is provided to affected people in emergency situations.

According to Telesom, which prides itself on being the world’s first fully owned African company to provide mobile money, more than 30% of Somaliland population use this transformative service, a fact that has been recognised by Bill Gates of Microsoft and international finance and development institutions for its innovation and customer reach.

People of all walks of life use ZAAD in their daily transactions from purchasing groceries, selling merchandise, paying taxi fares and medical fees in private clinics. Workers even get their wages through mobile money. The youth also use the service by paying school fees and a host of other activities through Aqoon Maal, “harvesting knowledge”, a service particularly designed for them,

It is however the rural and nomadic people that find this service such a precious lifeline. They receive and pay money by using this God-sent service without the need to travel distances. Any person coming from the town can bring them their provisions as long as they have paid for it through their mobile phones. While most people in the developed world use mobile phones for information and entertainment, the mobile phone has become a survival device for the pastoralist people in Somaliland and other east African countries like Kenya. And when the drought devastated their livelihood and killed almost all of their livestock which are comparable to their bank accounts, it is their mobile phone accounts that they depended for survival. Just like my friend in Dubai, thousands of other Somalis in the Diaspora provided much needed cash to their relatives wherever ZAAD service was available in the Horn of Africa.

Unlike the conventional way of waiting for humanitarian aid through slow moving bureaucracies of UN bodies and international organisations, it is the mobile money transfer that came faster to alleviate the suffering of the people. This innovative service also proves the often neglected hidden power of immigrant communities in stepping into the void created by retreating donor-fatigue organisations and providing both emergency and long term assistance to their loved ones back home. It seems every immigrant who risked her or his life to cross the oceans and survived the ordeal has now saved a whole family with the meagre money they earned.

Hargeisa, Somaliland (AP) — A court in Somalia’s breakaway northern territory of Somaliland has sentenced a journalist to two years in prison after he was arrested for meeting Somalia’s new president.

Abdimalik Muse Oldon was charged with engaging in anti-national activities, spreading “false” news and disturbing public order.

Oldon, an online journalist, was arrested upon his arrival at the Hargeisa airport after he met Somalia’s new President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed in February.

Oldon was sentenced Saturday at a regional court in Hargeisa, Somaliland’s capital.

Somali media organizations have long said Somalia’s old penal code written in 1960 is designed to silence journalists and curtail freedom of expression.

Oldon’s family told reporters they would appeal the verdict.

Somaliland broke away from Somalia in 1991. No country so far has recognized it as independent.

The Australian Red Cross is helping to fund new mobile health clinics in Somaliland, as the area teeters on the brink of famine, Kirsty Johansen reports from Somaliland.

There are no qualified paediatricians in Somaliland, and parents travel for days to reach health clinics in order to get treatment for children. (Kirsty Johansen/SBS News)

Amongst the rugged terrain of the Somaliland desert, in the Horn of Africa hundreds of pastoralist families pack into the small village of Wacays Dhukur, west of the capital Hargeisa.

The Omar family moved to the area five months ago. Drought has forced them to uproot 20 times in the past two years.

They started out with 300 goats, now they have just 50. Just two metres from their tent made of old clothes, carcasses litter the ground.

Father, Omar Abi Abdi, says his family has never suffered like this before.

“I’ve never seen a drought like this in my life,” he said. “We moved around with the animals but when we came here they all died.”

Mother, Canab Muse Adan, struggles to feed six children. They share a couple of handfuls of dry rice between them all each day.

She says her three-year-old son is currently fighting for his life in hospital and her two-year-old daughter passed away late last year.

“She had diarrhoea and died within three days,” Ms Adan said.

Luckily, the Red Cross mobile health clinic is in the area because overnight Canab’s youngest son, Abdi Omar Abi, fell sick.

He is screened by doctors for malnutrition.

Australian Red Cross Response Manager, Jess Lees, says the clinics are saving lives in rural areas across Somaliland, by travelling to places where there’s no medical facilities available.

“Millions of people face the risk of famine. Australian Red Cross is supporting these mobile health units and are aiming to see them double over the next few months,” Ms Lees said.

At the mobile clinics, children’s height and weight are recorded and they are given basic medication if needed.

Head Medical Practitioner, Doctor Saleean Ibrarhim, says the clinic’s main priority is to treat the most vulnerable – children and women.

“We do all kinds of different vaccinations like polio, measles and also tetanus,” Dr Ibrarhim said.

If necessary, doctors can refer patients to the closest hospital. But medical facilities across Somaliland are at breaking point.

We visited the biggest acute malnutrition clinic, situated in the capital Hargeisa, where the situation is so desperate.

There are only 16 beds in the stabilisation centre, but five children are allowed to stay on mattresses on the floor.

Saynab Maxamed Ismaciil, aged 10 months, has been suffering from vomiting and diarrhoea for the past four months. She has lived off only milk since the day she was born.

It’s a race against the clock for doctors.

She’s monitored closely, weighing in at just a mere 5kg.

Her mother, Faadumo Ismail Dirie, says she’s worried she will die.

“At the beginning she got sick. She had vomiting and diarrhoea and now she’s anaemic. It depends on God. She might live or die,” Ms Dirie said.

Mothers travelled for days to reach this clinic, leaving behind dozens of other children.

Faadumo Ismail Hussein arrived here with her daughter, Abdirashiid Mohamud Ahmed, just in time.

The eight-month-old’s been suffering from malnutrition for the past two months, with no food available at all in her home village.

She picked up pneumonia in the past week and almost didn’t make it.

“The first day I took her to the hospital she was about to die but now she’s feeling better and recovering,” Ms Hussein said.

Children are dying every week because there’s not enough space to treat everyone.

General Practitioner, Ahadar Omar, says the hospital’s capacity hasn’t increased since it was built in 1953 and only eight to 10 new patients can be admitted each day.

“If the situation continues like this an emergency situation may happen in the near future,” he said.

“Most of them will cope; we start management immediately and most of them improve and go back to their village. But some of them die because their health situation is very critical.”

There are several doctors and nurses on hand, but there are no qualified paediatricians in the whole of Somaliland.

Somaliland Member of Parliament and a dual Australian citizen, Ibrahim Ahmed Reigal, says they desperately need help.

“Only god knows what will happen but as a human being it’s a worrying situation,” he said.

“I appeal to my fellow Australian people to join the effort and the people of Somaliland from this severe drought.”

The drought that appears to be worsening has lasted for three years and left more than 6.2 million people without enough food, if any at all.

Somalia is at risk of its third famine in 25 years and it could be declared as early as June if decent rain doesn’t fall.

It’s the wet season, but the land remains desolate brown.

We saw it rain in some of the villages we visited but it only lasted for a couple of minutes. Small amounts of rain just making the situation worse, spreading disease even more.

Any drop of water people can find is highly contaminated.

A local businessman helped those suffering by filling a nearby well.

Pastoralist, Faadumo Ali, says she walked for hours to fill her jerry cans.

“We haven’t had water for the last three months,” Ms Ali said. “When I give the animals and the family this water it will run out immediately.”

Kirsty Johansen travelled to Somaliland with the Australian Red Cross as part of their East Africa Food Crisis Appeal.

A delegation of veterinary doctors from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock have for the first time landed in the country to ascertain the quality of quarantine pens in Berbera. The Saudi vets are on a fact finding mission according to information reaching the Horn Tribune, the vets from the oil rich kingdom are on a visit to Somaliland so that they could investigate and inspect the health of livestock and at the same time screen the quality of quarantine pens and how theygo about to vet animals before shipment to Saudi Arabia.

This tour comes following Saudi Arabia slap of ban to Somaliland and Somalia livestock following the outbreak of Rift Valley fever in cows from Somalia shipped at the port of Mogadishu. The Saudi vets arrived in the country on Thursday this week and were received at Egal International Airport in Hargeisa by top government officials.

The visitors accompanied ministry of livestock and animal husbandry on a road trip to Berbera town.

Friday morning enroute to the Sahil region capital.

The Assistant Minister of Livestock and Animal Husbandry Mr. Ali Mohammed Elmi who was hosting the visiting vets from Saudi Arabia told the press that the tour agenda pertains how the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia could lift the ban on livestock importation from Somaliland.

The Deputy Livestock Minister stated that he is optimistic the result of the inspection will be positive, after which the livestock ban could be lifted in earnest.
Saudi Arabian Vets in Berbera to Inspect Pre export Livestock Health
“Veterinary doctors from our brotherly country Saudi Arabia have come to inspect all animal quarantine pens in the country. They want to ascertain if the quality is per international standard.  I’m hopeful when they go back to Saudi Arabia the livestockimportation ban will be lifted. This good news is what I want to share with Somaliland citizens. Mr. Ali proclaimed.

The Mayor of Berbera town, Mr. Abdishakur Mohammed Hassan (Idin) who welcomed the Saudi delegation in his town thanked this good will gesture by the oil rich Kingdom to send her own vets to Somaliland.
“The veterinary doctors from Saudi Arabia I welcome you to Berbera, God willing I hope you bring out positive results from your investigations. Also speaking at the venue was the state of minister of livestock Mr. AbdirashidRiyoRa’a he had this to say

“I send my heartfelt gratitude to the government of Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and her citizens and their vets, I hope after this fact finding mission is complete our livestock will be allowed for exportation to that country sooner rather than later. These veterinary doctors as soon as they arrived in Somaliland they paid us courtesy call at our ministry headquarters in Hargeisa. Their objective is to ascertain and investigate the quality of our quarantine pens and livestock”.
The Saudi government banned all livestock importation from Somaliland/ Somalia including Puntland and other administrations in the south even though the ban was slapped on an innocent Somaliland.

The UK’s Member of Parliament Lord Luce asked Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Question about the British government  support they are providing to Somaliland that to enhancing  political stability in Somaliland.

Question:Asked by Lord Luce: To ask Her Majesty’s Government what support they are providing to Somaliland to enhance political stability in that country?

The UK’s Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs  Baroness Anelay of St Johns Answered by that questions says
Answered by: Baroness Anelay of St Johns:The UK remains committed to enhancing political stability in Somalia, including in Somaliland. We are supportive of dialogue between Somaliland and neighbouring Puntland, and with the Federal Government of Somalia on areas of mutual interest.

MinisterBaroness Anelay of St Johns also added “In Somaliland, the UK is an active member of a group of international donors which provide technical, financial and political support to the National Electoral Commission and the broader electoral cycle in Somaliland. This included £2.18million in UK support to plan, prepare and deliver biometric voter registration in Somaliland.”

By: M.A.Egge

The Presidency Minister Hon. Mohammed Hashi Abdi has commended the Kulmiye Administration led by the Head of State H.E. Ahmed Mohammed Mohamud Silanyo for having delivered on its campaign policies most of its pledges.

Hon. Hashi gave the verifiable comments at a function in honour of governance and leadership and project management masters degree students who graduated from Hargeisa University.

They completed Master of Administration and Master of Sciences in both fields reflectively.

“It is for the intellectuals like you and the independent minded members of the public who can verify, vouch for or bear witness to the performances of the government”, said the minister to the graduates.

The Minister noted how the Hargeisa University has come of age just as the public governance has.

He pointed out that when evaluating a performance of a government what are taken into consideration happens to be, for instance:-

• The policies pledged in a campaign to be adhered to.
• The implemented promises
• Remainder of the pledges yet to be established.
• Pros and cons encountered
• Crises and associated constraints encountered
• How the constraints and crises were addressed or managed during the tenure
• Further projects not in initial agenda etc.

Given the above pointers the minister observed that his party had indeed excelled during the short period of one term that it has been in office.

He gave an example of the boreholes drilled from the colonial times to that of President Rayaale’s administration as being only 60 while those drilled during the incumbency of the present government as being 116.

Hon. Hashi likewise gave other examples of such statistics in a wide range of sectors.

He decried wayward politicking that refuses to acknowledge the obvious developmental steps that has been undertaken.

Hon. Hashi thanked the graduates for the feat they achieved.

He hailed the president for steering the administration in an apt manner.

Those present on the occasion included KULMIYE chairman who is also the flag bearer of the party, Minister for Information and National Guidance, Aviation.

Driven by an energetic crown price, the UAE is building bases far beyond its borders.

TUCKED away behind rows of tin shacks and unkempt acacia trees, a cluster of tumbledown villas, mosques and a synagogue conjures up the grandeur of a port that once marked the southern tip of the Ottoman Empire. “Berbera is the true key of the Red Sea, the centre of east African traffic, and the only safe place for shipping upon the western Erythraean shore,” wrote Richard Burton, a British traveller, in 1855. “Occupation [by the British]…has been advised for many reasons.”

After the British came the Russians and in the 1980s NASA, America’s space agency, which wanted its runway, one of Africa’s longest, as an emergency stop for its space shuttle. Now the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is Berbera’s latest arriviste. On March 1st DP World, a port operator based in Dubai, began working from Berbera’s beachside hotel. Officials put little Emirati flags on their desks, and refined plans to turn a harbour serving the breakaway republic of Somaliland into a gateway to the 100m people of one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies, Ethiopia. Three weeks later the UAE unveiled another deal for a 25-year lease of air and naval bases alongside. The agreement, rejoiced a Somaliland minister in the hotel café, amounted to the first economic recognition of his tiny republic. It would fill the government’s coffers, and bolster its fledgling army. Businessmen sat at his table discussing solar power stations, rocketing land prices and plans for a Kempinski hotel.

Berbera is but the latest of a string of ports the UAE is acquiring along some of the world’s busiest shipping routes. From Dubai’s Jebel Ali, the Middle East’s largest port, it is extending its reach along the southern rim of Arabia, up the Horn of Africa to Eritrea (from where the UAE’S corvettes and a squadron of Mirage bombers wage war in Yemen), and on to Limassol and Benghazi in the Mediterranean. Fears that Iran or Sunni jihadists might get there first—particularly as the region’s Arab heavyweights, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, seem to flounder—propel the advance.

“If we waited to prevent these threats at our borders, we might be overrun,” explains Ebtesam al-Ketbi, who heads a think-tank in Abu Dhabi. The UAE also worries that rivals might tempt trade away from Jebel Ali, awkwardly situated deep inside the Gulf. Rapid port expansion at Chabahar in Iran, Duqm in Oman and King Abdullah Economic City in Saudi Arabia all pose a challenge.

But as the expansion accelerates, observers are asking whether the UAE is bent on “the pursuit of regional influence”, as Ms al-Ketbi puts it, for its own sake. Most analysts ascribe this push to Abu Dhabi’s 56-year-old crown prince, Muhammad bin Zayed. He is the deputy commander of the UAE’s armed forces, and the younger brother of the emir of Abu Dhabi, who is also the president of the UAE.

On the prince’s watch, the UAE has gone from being a haven mindful of its own business into the Arab world’s most interventionist regime. Flush with petrodollars, he has turned the tiny country, whose seven component emirates have a combined population of almost 10m (only about 1m of whom are citizens), into the world’s third-largest importer of arms. He has recruited hundreds of mercenaries, and has even talked of colonising Mars.

Hurricane Muhammad

In 2014 he imposed military conscription on his pampered citizens, and sent dozens to their deaths in the Saudi-led campaign against Houthi rebels in Yemen. Before becoming America’s defence secretary, General James Mattis dubbed the UAE “little Sparta”. Join the dots of the ports it controls, and some even see the old Sultanate of Oman and Zanzibar, from which the emirates sprang, arising afresh.

The UAE has won Berbera and Eritrea’s Asaab base by agreement, but elsewhere it applies force. In July 2015 it defied doubters, including the Saudis, by capturing Aden, once the British Empire’s busiest port. “They have the only [Arab] expeditionary capability in the region,” oozes a Western diplomat, fulsome in his praise of the UAE’s special forces, who mounted an amphibious landing to seize Aden from the Houthis.

With the help of American SEALs, Emirati soldiers have since then taken the ports of Mukalla and Shihr, 500km (300 miles) east, and two Yemeni islands in the Bab al-Mandab strait, past which 4m barrels of oil pass every day. The crown prince has seen off Qatari interest in Socotra, a strategic Yemeni island, by sending aid (after a hurricane) and then construction companies, which a Western diplomat fancies may build an Emirati version of Diego Garcia, the Indian Ocean atoll where America has a large military base. While Saudi Arabia struggles to make gains in Yemen, Emirati-led troops earlier this year marched into Mokha port and are setting their sights on Hodeidah, Yemen’s largest port and the last major one outside Emirati control.

The prince has also backed separatists in Somalia, helping to stand up both Puntland, by funding its Maritime Police Force, and Somaliland. And in Libya, he has sent military support to Field-Marshal Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan National Army, an autonomous force in the east of the country. To Turkey’s fury, the UAE opened an embassy in Cyprus last year and is involved in military exercises with Greece and Israel.

But sceptics worry about the dangers of overreach and the potential for clashing with greater powers crowding into the Red Sea. On its western shores Israel, France and the United States already have big bases. China is building a port in Djibouti. Iranian generals look to establish their own naval bases on Yemen’s rebel-held coast. And though formally part of the same coalition in Yemen, some Saudi princes are looking askance at their ambitious junior partners. In February Saudi- and Emirati-backed forces fought each other over control of Aden’s airport. Saudi Arabia’s princes have also hosted Somalia’s president, who criticises the Emirates’ Berbera base as “unconstitutional”. Some wonder what the prince’s father and the UAE’s founder, Sheikh Zayed Al Nahayan, would have made of it all. “Be obedient to Allah and use your intelligence instead of resorting to arms,” he used to counsel when fellow Arabs went to war.