“HISTORY IS PAST POLITICS, AND POLITICS IS PRESENT HISTORY” (E.A.FREEMAN, 1886).

This is a brief account of the history of Somaliland from a historical perspective. The history of Somaliland is peculiarly different from the history of Somalia. Those who argue against the present state of independence and sovereignty outrightly ignore how Somaliland is historically differentiated from other Somali inhabited territories.

Somaliland has an ancient history and civilization. For a long period in the past, Somaliland had well-established trade links with the rest of the world particularly ancient Egypt (the Pharaohs), the Romans, the Arabian Peninsula and the Indian sub-continent. Commodities like hides and skins, frankincense and myrrh, ivory, gums, feathers were traded in exchange for consumer products such as sugar, tea, dates, clothes etc. It was uniquely the hub of spices trade (Frankincense and Myrrh). The trade links to the Middle East and East Asia existed via the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean routes.

With the introduction of Islam, and later on during the spread of the Ottoman Empire, trade firmly set foot along the coasts of Somaliland. For instance, between the 10^th and 14^th centuries Chinese merchants frequented the coast of Somaliland and Egyptians had a long historical relationship with Somaliland.

In the 16^th century, Zeila was occupied and annexed by the Ottoman Empire as a port town. In the 1880s Europeans (Britain, Italy and France) began disputing with each other for control for spheres of political influence in Africa. At the turn of the 19^th century, when the Ottoman Empire weakened was on the brink of collapse, Egypt which was a vassal of the Ottoman, Empire occupied the western parts of Somaliland.

Following the British occupation of Aden in 1839 and after the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, the expansion of the British Empire was brought to the doorsteps of Somaliland. To safeguard its trade interests in the Indian Ocean, during the scramble and partition for Africa between the Europeans, in 1884 Britain proclaimed Somaliland as a protectorate ‘British Somaliland Protectorate’ and appointed its first agent in 1885. British of Somaliland was the result of series of agreements with the local traditional elders and chiefs. Britain accepted to occupy Somaliland to act as fiduciary. The raison d’etre for the occupation was largely for the protection of the colony. For administrative purposes, Somaliland was divided into five administrative districts in the protectorate (Berbera, Hargeisa, Burao, Erigavo and Zeila).

From the British point of view the occupation the purpose of occupation was utilitarian: a) to use it to play a key role of the increasing Empire’s control of vital Bab-el Mandab strait for the security of the Suez Canal and the safety of the Empire’s naval route through the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden to East Asia, and b) to provide meat especially mutton to the British garrison based at Aden. However, from the Somali traditional chiefs and elders point of view, the occupation was for the safeguard of the security of Somaliland.

For centuries, people of Somali ethnic origin in the East or Horn of Africa region have been practicing nomadic pastoralism wandering in transhumance mode moving within the entire region in search of grazing pastures for their stock to exploit the production system of pure nomadism. That led to the spread of Somalis region ending in different parts of the region (Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Somaliland and Djibouti). But nevertheless, Somali people, wherever they live, share a common identity in terms of the language (Somali), religion (Muslim) and socio-cultural matters. There never has been a common or single nation within a defined territory at any one time and Somali nationalism only began with colonialism which eventually steered to the rise and emergence of the concept of bringing all Somalis in the region under one unit or nation. Somali people had always relationships with neighboring communities. The relationship between Somalis and Ethiopians existed since the 13^th century.

On arrival of European colonialists in Africa, Menelik, the Emperor of Ethiopia, showed his interest that he had to have a share in the partisanship of Africa as an imperial power in the region. The Emperor voiced that he would not be watching the European powers dividing and having shares of the African continent for themselves and that as a ruling kingdom, Abyssinia should also have its share of the cake. The Europeans allowed that. As a matter of fact, the Empire had always an eye on the neighboring territories including the Somalis. Earlier in 1889, Emperor Menelik together with Ras Mekenon (his Governor of Harar region), annexed the Somali-inhabited parts.

Before the British formally occupied Somaliland, a series of agreements and treaties with the local chiefs and clan leaders preceded. Britain first made treaties with the different Somali local tribes in 1827, followed by others in 1840. Between 1884 and 1886 alone, at least six treaties and three supplementary agreements were signed with the elders of different clans. In all of them, Majesty’s protection was guaranteed. It is noteworthy to mention that a number of agreements were held on board of ships off the coast as the local people did not allow the British to land before signing any agreement. A system of indirect rule of Somaliland was first established. Somaliland was initially ruled from India and later on through the colonial office after it transformed the regions into a protectorate.
In 1894 Britain and Emperor of Ethiopia (Menelik) made an agreement the instrumental aspect of which was that the Emperor would, in return, not support the Mahdi of The Sudan who was fighting the British. Emperor Menelik always had a project to extend full authority on Somali-inhabited lands known as the Ogaden. His successor Tefari Mekenon, later renamed as Haile Selassie as popularly known took the thrown in 1928 had full control of Somalis in the region and insisted to consolidate his ambition.

But during the Dervishes movements led by the Sayed Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, there was a hindrance to freely invade the entire Somali region. After the end of the Dervishes struggle, another part of Somali-inhabited areas (Haud and Reserved Area), a vast area of grazing lands of Somaliland and its Somali population, were handed to Ethiopia by the British.

As Somaliland became part of the British Empire there was the necessity for the defining and delimiting the borders of the protectorate with the neighboring territories of Ethiopia, the French territory of Djibouti and Italian Somalia.

Since different parts of Somali-inhabited regions were colonized by different European colonial powers (British, Italian and French) the borders and contours of the British Somaliland protectorate needed to be determined. Britain made legal agreements and international treaties with the French, Italy and Ethiopian Emperor through the Anglo-French treaty of 1888; the Anglo-Italian treaty in 1894 and Anglo-Ethiopian treaty 1897 respectively. Therefore, Somaliland as a British Protectorate had established borders as enshrined by those treaties delimiting its international boundaries with the neighboring territories (the Ethiopian Empire, Italian Somalia in the South and the French Somali territory of Djibouti (presently the Republic of Djibouti). The borders of Somaliland at the present are the same as they were during its protectorate years, the same during its independence years from the British Crown in 1960 and same as they are today as the independent Republic of Somaliland.

Historically, the Ethiopian emperors were always in pursuit to control the Somali-inhabited area as well as other nationalities in the area. The ‘mythical kingdom’ at Axum had always an interest to bring all nationalities such as the Somalis, the Arusans, the Oromo, the Herari, the Guraje, etc. under its control. For a brief period, In 1935/36, Italy took control of Ethiopia until the British re-occupied it again after the Second World War when the alliance of Italy and Germany were defeated by the allies. However, Britain withdrew as Ethiopia reasserted rule over the Somali population when Britain withdrew. In 1954 Britain handed over the ‘Haud and Reserved area’ to Ethiopia in 1954.

Somaliland was declared a British colony in 1884, however, technically it was not so until 1920 when the Sayid, Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, the leader of the Dervish Movement who fought with the British colonial administration was defeated when a combined land forces (the Somaliland Camel Corps, the Somaliland Police, together with the 2^nd and 6^th Kings African Rifle (KAR) and contingents of Indian Battalions and air offensive. It was then it became a full-flexed protectorate.

In due course and over the time, Somaliland identity began to take a formal shape. The beginning of a sense of nationalism and Somaliland’s national identity is very much rooted in the colonial experience. Nevertheless, Somali people share common cultural and political identities. The British always allowed the tribal leaders and chiefs to run local affairs in their traditional ways and the colonial authority left the traditional structures and culture of the society in place. The other colonial regimes (the Italians and the French) had interventionist policies into the Somali societies they colonized that showed tendencies in interfering with the lives of the Somali societies.

During the colonial period, the protectorate was administered by colonial political agents, commissioners, administrators, and Governors during the colonial period (about 21 in total) between 1884 and 1960. The last British Governor, Sir Douglas Hall (a military Governor) was in Hargeisa from 11 July 1959 and handed over to a native Somali Governor, Osman Ahmed Hassan on 26 June 1960.

Somalia was put under 10-years UN Trusteeship in December 1950 with Italy as the administrator power to prepare them for independence. Italian Somalia saw different Italian administrators or Governors. The last was Mario Di Stefani (1958 to 1960). The Trust Territory of Somalia had its first general elections in March 1959 in which 83 out of the 90 seats in the Legislative Assembly were scooped by a single party, the SYL.

Decolonization process

In the late 1920s, the first political organization (the Somali Islamic Association) was established in Aden by members of Somaliland origin in the diaspora for the purpose of promoting the discussion of the Somali community issues in Aden and question of the British rule in Somaliland. Later on, in the early 1930s, as a spillover from this organization, clubs were organized in Somaliland in Berbera and Hargeisa. Hadiyatul Rahman’ (God’s gift) Association was opened in Berbera and ‘Al-Khairiya’ (the blessed) Association in Hargeisa. Members of those clubs dared to wage critics to the colonial administration. Further politicization of the clubs led to the formation of the Somali National Society (SNS).

At the end of the Second World War, four of the Somali-inhabited territories with the exception of Djibouti which was a French colony), i.e., the British Somaliland Protectorate; Somalia, the Northern Frontier District (NFD) ruled together with Kenya as British colony and the Somali region in Ethiopia together with Haud and Reserved Area all fell under the British rule.

As nationalism grew, a wholehearted popular vision, converging aspirations and a strong wish of the people in the intention developed. The union between Somaliland and Somalia was considered as pursuit of the ‘Greater Somalia’ dream and the rise of Somali irredentism in bringing all five territories inhabited by ethnic Somalis in East Africa (the Ogaden and Haud and Reserve Area under Ethiopian Empire, the Northern Frontier District – NFD – part of the British colony with Kenya, the French colony of Djibouti, the British Protectorate of Somaliland and South Somalia under Italy).

The idea of unifying Somalis or the Greater Somalia concept was politically advocated by British. At the end of the Second World War, Ernest Bevin (a British Foreign Secretary, a post-war British politician and statesman) suggested that all Somali-inhabited territories, with the exception of Djibouti which was under the French, became under the British rule. Britain replaced Italy to rule Ethiopia after its defeat in WWII. In fact, the entire East Africa region was under the British colonial rule or Empire. It was on April 1961 that Bevin made the proposal and argued that all Somalis be united as one “The best way for the wandering Somali pastoral nomads to survive in the marginal environment was to let them united all under the British Administration”. But on the international level, the British plan was rejected the other big powers (France, USSR and USA) as they were suspicious about the British intentions that it would undermine their interests and influences in Somalia. The Ethiopian Emperor also protested. In relation to the unity of Somalis, Britain organized the formation of Somali Youth Club (SYC) represented by all Somali clans to convince Somalis. Meanwhile two prominent political figures from Somaliland protectorate, Michael Mariano and Adan??, were then also transferred to Mogadishu to write up the SYC (later changed to the Somali Youth League, SYL). The SYL had in its constitution the mandate of uniting all five Somali territories under one banner. In the end, a Somali Conference was organized in Mogadishu which was chaired by Sultan Abdillahi Suldan Deria from Hargeisa. But the idea of British administration (under the UN Trusteeship) was rejected by the politicians of Somalia as they wanted the Italians to implement the UN administration and not the British. Thus, the UN Security Council then transferred the trusteeship of Somalia to Italy to prepare them for independence after 10 years. The Somali region in Ethiopia, the Ogaden and the Haud and Reserve area remained with Ethiopia and in 1963, the NFD became part of independent Kenya.

Bevin’s idea became an important catalytic precursor for the strengthening the concept of Somali nationalism and the Greater Somalia notion. The SNS underwent through development transformations and it finally changed to Somali National League (SNL) party.

A combination of factors contributed to raising the consciousness and awareness of people of the idea of unifying all Somali territories: (i) from 1945 political campaigns spearheaded by the SYL party in the South; (ii) the suggestion of the British Foreign Secretary in 1946 to put Somalis together under a trustee in view to gain independence for all Somali territories and (iii) the issue of the Somali area known as ‘Ogaden’ which was ceded in 1897 to Ethiopia which temporarily became under British jurisdiction in 1947 but handed back to Ethiopia in 1948 (against the Somalis wish). These factors formed a cocktail of ingredients that sparked the Greater Somalia or Pan-Somalia concept or dream, so to speak, among all Somali speaking populations in the region.

The ambition to struggle to achieve the unity of all five Somali-inhabited parts was clearly stated by the Somali poets and literature experts such as the late popular and famous poets such as Ali Sugulle Egal, Abdillahi Sultan ‘Timacade’, Ahmed Ismail Deria ‘Qasim’ and others.

“Haddaanan NFDii la hingala dhigin (The NFD issue must be settled),

Oon huurkiyo laga qaadin heeryada (And cover of the oppression must be unveiled);

Haddaanan Jabuuti way hakatee, (Djibouti lags behind),

Oo hilinka kuwa kale hayaan marin (Should take similar path as the other two),

Haddaanan shantu waa isku hiddee (And the five should have the same identity),

Is-raacin sida hubka is-wada (They must be united as one like an automatic weapon).” (Ali Sugulle Egal).

In 1957 a Legislative Council consisting of 8 official and 2 ex-officio (British) members, 6 unofficial (Somali) members was formed in Somaliland though the Council was established two years earlier (on 10 February 1955) because the Somaliland Constitutional Order came in force two years later (in 1957). In 15 February 1960, Somaliland’s first democratically elected parliament. The Council consisted of 33 natives (Somalis) and 12 non-natives of English and Indian and Arab origins. The names of the 33 Somali MPs elected were: 1) Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal (Berbera); 2) Ali Garad Jama (Las Anod);3) Osman Garad Mohamoud (Teleh); 4) Abdalla H Farah (Widhwidh); 5) Mohamoud Yasin Sh. Muse (Odweyne); 6) Mohamed Bihi Shuuriye (Hargeisa); 7) Mohamed Yusuf Geedeeye (Ainabo); 8) Abdillahi Hussein (Ina Doobikoole) (Hargeisa); 9) Ali Mohamed Haji Abokor (Faraweyne); 10) Sh. Barkhad Awale (Gabiley); 11) Jama Abdillahi Galib (Ina Diirqadhaadh) (Salahley); 12) Ahmed-Keyse Haji Duale (Buroa); 13) Michael Mariano (Eil Afweyn); 14) Mohamed Ali Farah (Hiis); 15) Abdillahi Qablan Mohamed (Las Korey); 16) Sh Ahmed Mohamoud Dalmar (Erigavo); 17) Ibrahim Eid (Hudun); 18) Mohamoud Ahmed Salah (Jidali); 19) Haji Ibrahim Nur (Dila); 20) Yusuf Ismail Samatar (Hargeisa); 21) Abokor Haji Farah (Buroa); 22) Yusuf Kahin Ahmed (Las Dhure); 23) Sh Ali Ismail Yaqub (Duruqsi); 24) Isse Jama Mohamed (Qoryaley); 25) Haji Yusuf Iman Guleid (Berbera); 26) Haji Abdillahi Deria (Sheikh); 27) Haji Ibrahim Osman Food (Adadley); 28) Haji Aden Yusuf (Bulahar); 29) Ali Qowdan (Mandhera); 30) Sh Abibakar sh Omer (Borama); 31) Jama Ghelle Isse (Zeila); 32) Haji Muse Ahmed Shirwa (Abdulqadir); 33) Abdi Hassan Buni (Boon).

Towards the final years of the colonial period and in preparations for independence, legislative elections were held on February 1960. A number of political parties took part. The Somali National League (SNL) which originated from the Somali National Society (SNS); the National United Front (NUF aka NAFTA); and the United Somali Party (USP) participated in the elections. SNL won the elections with a sliding majority (20 out a total of the 33 seats contested); the USP party (12 seats) and the NUF party (1 seat).

The first elected Legislative Council (Cabinet) were: Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal (First Minister); Garad Ali Garad Jama (member); Haji Ibrahim Nur (member); Ahmed Haji Duale (Ahmed Kayse) (member) and Haji Yusuf Iman (member).

On 6 April 1960 the Somaliland Legislative Council had a meeting (chaired by the Governor Sir Douglas Hall) in Hargeisa to discuss two items as agenda: 1) to discuss the independence of Somaliland and 2) the union with Italian Somalia. The two items were merged and discussed as a single item as they were closely related and because the concept of uniting all Somalis which was the main concern of the people. The two items were inseparable. Most of the constituent representatives especially the SNL members such as Mohamed Abdi Shuriye and Haji Ibrahim Osman Food (Basbaas) among others voiced strongly the union of Somaliland with Somalia. However, Philip Carl, a member of the council, despite understanding the emotions involved warned that there were other really important issues that needed to be discussed. Nonetheless, every other matter was overlooked in the session. The conclusion was the agreement to proceed to the union with Somalia.

The Somaliland Council delegate members discussed whether or not to unite with Italian Somalia which was a UN trusteeship. Some members such as Garaad Ali Garaad Jama and Mohamed Ibrahim Egal openly suggested that should remain independent and wait for a while before joining with the South. Similar suggestions were reported to have been made by most politicians from the Italian Somalia council members. They found that the idea was a bit hasty and premature and even suggested for the northerners to buy more time.

A Somaliland Council delegation consisting of 3 members (Mohamed I Egal, Garaad Ali Garaad Jama and Haji Ibrahim Nur with Lieutenant Abdillahi Aden ‘Congo’ as an overall security observer and advisor left for Mogadishu for discussion with the Government of Abdillahi Essa Mohamoud in the South which was the last government in the trusteeship period of 1956-1960). Matters developed in rapidity. The public anxiety pushed the leaders more to forge the union with the Somalis in the South. The Somaliland delegation was under extreme pressures from the public. They were instructed to bring a positive response (the union) back on their return from the South. Therefore, the overwhelming emotionally charged population in the Protectorate was the force behind that dictated the union deal with no strings attached to it.  The main agenda was the union without the attachment of conditions or strings.

On 2 May 1960, the Somaliland cabinet led by Mohamed Ibrahim Egal left for a ten-day constitutional conference in London to meet their British counterparts. The members of the delegation composed of the following members: Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, Minister of Local Government and leader of Government Business; Ali Garad Jama, Minister of Communications and Works; Haji Ibrahim Nur, Minister of Social Services; and Ahmed Haji Duale, Minister of Natural Resources. The delegation was accompanied by a legal Advisor, Mr. Neil Lawson, and the Governor of the Protectorate, Sir Douglas Hall (K.C.M.G) and Mohamoud Abdi Arraleh (Secretary to the delegation). The Colonial Office was represented by Ian Macleod; D.B. Hall; and H.C.F Wilks (Secretary).

The Somaliland delegation requested for independence. On 12 May 1960, a date was agreed and set for the independence of Somaliland protectorate to be on 26 June 1960. An agreement was signed on the day as an acceptable proposal. This date marks a historical time and a characteristic landmark for the people of Somaliland.

In 1947 the SNL party of the North was campaigning for the amalgamation of all Somalis in the region to be united. That was mainly due to the fact that most of the Somali politicians feared of the negativity of ‘clannism’ as divisive in such a way that it would be exploited by foreign powers in the United Nations who were, at the time, in debates of the political destiny of the Somali people. Anything less than the wholehearted support for unity and ‘Greater Somalia’ would weaken the case of non-unification by the politicians was the dream.

The overall intention of the unification of the two Somali territories was taken as a model step to the ultimate Greater Somalia ambition that became the byword amongst the Somalis. The politicians, had no other choice but to play that as a political card. The SNL’s campaigns before the election were mostly based on this fact in line with the popular political view. That also existed in Somalia. It was being pushed by the Somali Youth League (SYL).

As the campaigns for independence of the British protectorate gathered momentum, the first Legislative Council, consisting of 6 Somalis and 8 British which was established in 1957, was increased to 33 elected official members in 1959. Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, as First Minister or the leader of the Council and led Somaliland to independence from Britain on 26 June 1960 as an independent state, with its own constitution and a government headed by Egal was formed. At independence, the last British Governor of British Somaliland Protectorate, Sir Douglas Hall, handed over the governorship to Osman Ahmed Hassan as the first native Somali administrator. British Somaliland Protectorate was granted as an independent country on 26 June 1960. That year was famous for the phrase “the winds of change” within the British Empire as it was used in a speech by the then British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan. Of the British colonies in the African continent, Somaliland became an independent state after Sudan (which became independent in 1956) and Ghana in 1957, while Ethiopia was never colonized. It was an imperial state. In its first session, the government of Somaliland voted for union with brothers in the South with an overwhelming majority.

(To be continued)

Jamaal Abdilaahi Elmi had to bear the agony of burying his daughter , 18, in Balliga on 22 May. This village, 52 km west of Lughaya in Awdal region, was hit by the cyclone Sagar that caused devastation across the northern parts of Somalia.

Jamaal told Radio Ergo that his daughter had been married for just two months. She was washed away by tides of flood water that inundated her house. Her body was found five km away after a day of searching.

Jamaal Abdillahi, 60, has taken his other nine children to higher ground in the mountainous rural areas. This devastated father spoke to Radio Ergo by phone.

“We discovered she was missing late at night, and we started to search for her in the morning,” he said. “Now we don’t have anything, no utensils, we collected some cooking pots from the flood debris, and we don’t even have shelter.”

He lost 100 goats and three cows as well as his entire plantation of watermelons, pumpkins and different fruits.  His four hectare piece of land is now muddy and bare.

Jamaal confirmed that they received some food aid from the Somaliland administration.  They received 25kg of rice, 25kg of flour, 25kg of sugar and five litres of cooking oil that was delivered by helicopter.

Most of the people affected by the cyclone have not been able to go back home. Jamaal’s family and around 100 others are living in makeshift shelters.  His wife is sick with a fever but the closest health centre is 72 km away in Borame and they have no money to pay for transport.

Another cyclone victim, Hamud Muse Sidci, said his wife narrowly escaped being carried away by the flood waters.

“It was at dusk when we broke our fast – she was hanging on to a tree 100 metres away, I ran down the valley and saved her while she was hanging on to the tree branches,” said Hamud.

His wife Maryan, 42, broke her right hand and right leg. Hamud used traditional methods to fix her broken limbs hoping they will heal.

“We have been battered by the sun in the daytime and cold nights here. We don’t have clothing, proper shelter or utensils, the only thing we can do is to move to the towns but we don’t even know how to get there,” said Hamud.

Somaliland reported that 167,000 families have been displaced in Sagar cyclone, most of them still displaced in mountainous areas.

Radio Ergo

This part is about the process of unification between the independent states of Somaliland and Somalia and the fallacies, technical mistakes and legal loopholes in the so-called Act of Union involved.

By Dr. Hussein Mohamed Nur

The Council leaders of Somaliland and Somalia briefly met in Mogadishu during mid-April 1960. They agreed to form a Republic with a parliamentary democratic system of government. In the meeting, they envisaged that both sides would sign a joint contractual agreement (an Act of Union) that would set out terms being a legally binding document for the two independent states in the union. However, it is vital to reveal the technical mistakes and legal loopholes in processing the unification and the fallacies in proceedings of the Act of Union. However, we proceed into this; it is noteworthy to mention first to show the actual events that took place in Somalia as part of the preparation for independence whilst in UN trusteeship.

Unlike Somaliland protectorate, Italian Somalia underwent advanced preparation in terms of administration, management and governance during its ten-year period of trusteeship. Therefore, Somalia appeared to have acquired political maturity and had more consciousness and preparedness than Somaliland as they started negotiations for union. The only ingredient the northerners brought to the table was the public emotional drive and the urge of the people for the union.

As Italian Somalia stepped towards final strides of self-governance, the first legislative council or territorial Council was established in 1956 but shortly afterwards timed with the discussions of union with Somalia, Somalia increased the number of ‘deputati’ (parliamentarians) were increased to 90 of which only 29 were elected (the remaining seats were reserved for the SYL party, the main political party). Despite protests and boycotts all other political parties especially those Somaliland and minorities in the South were side-lined in the mainstream politics. The hidden agenda was to rehearse manipulations to establish firm grounds for a majority parliament dominated by the SYL and the SYL to be the single dominant party dominated by the major clans in the south as union state is established with Somaliland.

On the midnight of 30 June 1960 Italian Somalia was declared an independent State. The following morning, 1 July 1960, the two independent states (Italian Somalia and the already independent state of Somaliland) united. Somaliland’s independence was short-lived as union took was in effect on the 5^th day. That took the British Media by surprise and news headlines referred Somaliland’s step as the rejection of freedom “ ….The Territory that rejected freedom”….. To seal the union the essential formalities were never discussed and legal proceedings were not processed properly. To render the union lawful, a legal binding document was supposed to be agreed and signed by the representatives of the two uniting independent states.

As Somaliland became the first Somali territory, out of the five regions of Somali-inhabited lands to become a free and an independent Somali state, it immediately joined the United Nations (UN) and was recognized as an independent state by the 35 members of the United Nations. A historical record was set. The newly independent state of Somaliland was invited by the British Government to join the British Commonwealth of nations made up of independent countries of the British Empire. Unfortunately, Somaliland declined to take the offer. Instead, it sacrificed its independence and membership of commonwealth. It opted for union with the independent Italian Somalia of the South on every day of its independence, 1 July 1960 and the end of UN trusteeship. Somaliland’s union with Somalia was purely voluntary and without strings or conditions attached to for the unique reason based on wholehearted popular vision, converging aspirations and the iron-strong wish of the people.

There was a plan for union. Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, the late president of Somaliland, once made a comment indicating that there were no arrangements or plans in place by the politicians from Italian Somalia in relation to the issue of the union. It has been reported that Egal suggested the need to wait for at least 40 days since Somaliland had just given birth to infant child of independence. The truth of the matter, however, was that the union was not imposed on Somaliland either. Rather it was Somaliland that pressed hard for the consummation of the union pushed by the sincerity and wish of Somaliland people though Italian-administered Somalia preferred to delay the unity for a while. Perhaps for months according to Bereketeab (2012:5). That was as enunciated by the Southern politicians after a delegation from the South visited Hargeisa when they sensed that the Somaliland people were in sort of rush to the union and without conditions. Nevertheless, not much attention was given by most of the Somaliland Council members who were themselves under extreme pressure from their people. Garaad Ali Garaad Jama (member of the Somaliland Council) also initially flatly refused the union. On one occasion at the Kairiya of Hargeisa, the Garaad was sternly responded by the crowd with ‘No, Garaad’ when mentioned the period to wait for the union. The Somaliland people were high in the crest of emotional waves for the union. The people were an instrumental factor and the engine force driving their politicians to convince their Somali fellow Somalis in Somalia. But in the South, the Somali Youth League (SYL) party also waged campaigns for the unity sharing a similar concept of Greater Somalia.

The official proposal was from the Somaliland side. It was a kind of a unidirectional push – almost one-way process. On reflection it was madness. Southerners were surprised by that unreasonable mode, i.e., bringing an independent state to another partner with reference to no condition. Their byword “Fratello forunato folle” which in Italian means “the mad fortunate brother” – The fortunate brother (Somaliland) because Somaliland was fortunate to get its independence but again Somaliland people were considered as mad because they were seen as giving away their independence without even a single condition or a string attached to the union.

The decision of Somaliland to proceed into that direction owed much to the animation of pan-Somali ambition and the strong public emotion developed particularly after the Haud and Reserve area was ceded to Ethiopia in 1954 that caused a public outcry. Therefore, independent Somaliland State voluntarily united with Italian Somalia without conditions in a loose fashion. Italian Somalia took advantage of the situation of no conditions which led them to have a free ride approach. That led the union between the two states to occur in a rather loose fashion and in a flawed manner as all necessary precautionary paraphernalia was not taken. Consequently, legal loopholes and cracks became apparent. Northerners accepted the union blindly. A complete southern domination in the government formed resulted: a southern Constitution, a southern capital, a southern flag, a southern President (Aden Abdille Osman) and southern Prime Minister (Abdulrashid Ali Shermarke), and police and military forces commanders both southerners (Mohamed Abshir and Daud Abdille Hersi respectively). All key ministerial portfolios: the Finance (Ahmed Roble), Foreign Affairs (Abdillahi Essa Mohmoud), the Interior (Abdirizaq Haji Hussein) to name but a few. Only Mohamed Ibrahim Egal who was the First Minister (similar to Prime Minister) in the Somaliland government was allocated to a post of a Minister (Defence) from the northern contingent. Other important posts for southerners included the national bank and the commerce. The number of parliamentarians in the National Assembly was two-thirds ((99) from South and a third (33) from Somaliland was not proportionately adjusted while there still were options open to take to address justice and fair-sharing in power. Abdulrizaq Haji Hussein (Interior); Abdillahi Essa Mohamoud (Foreign Affairs); Ahmed Roble (Finance).

Before the union, the Somaliland Protectorate cabinet had seven ministers consisted (4 Somalis and 3 English). At independence, the three English ministers resigned and were replaced by Somalis. Therefore, at union stage Somaliland had seven ministers while it had 10 ministers before independence but by uniting, Somaliland got one minister (6.6% of the total of the cabinet), Mohamed Ibrahim Egal (Defence Minister) albeit he sacrificed his position of head of a state. Therefore, the Parliament was dominated by Southerners [(90 seats or 73% for Somalia) and 33 seats or 27% for the North (Somaliland)].

At Union, no Act of Union was agreed and signed bilaterally at all. In sum that makes the union unconstitutional and illegal. Though the union was considered as the first stepping stone for the realization of uniting all Somali-inhabited regions in one nation under a single banner with one flag, the Act of Union was never ratified by the two respective parliaments of the two independent states. It was purely driven by the peoples’ sentiments, emotion, enthusiasm and extreme euphoric behavior and patriotism. The vision and expectation was that the other three regions inhabited by Somali people would soon follow suit and join the two independent entities. As mentioned above the union between independent Somaliland and independent Italian Somalia in the South was pushed only by the people (especially from the public in Somaliland) as pursuit of achievement of the ‘Greater Somalia’ dream bringing together all five territories or parts inhabited by populations of ethnic Somali origin in East Africa, i.e., in the South East of the then Ethiopian Empire, the Northern Frontier District – NFD which was part of the British colony with Kenya, the French colony of Djibouti, the British Protectorate of Somaliland and South Somalia under Italy.

During the union, the only constitution in place at the time was the one made for Somalia. Somaliland legislative body had no input into the constitution and knowledge of those activities as well as the prevailing political environment and climate simply because of an emotionally charged public pressure as the push factor. This indicates that the amalgamation of Somaliland and Somalia was more of a nationalist fervor blowing from the North. At the end of May 1960, as part of negotiation prior to amalgamation, Somaliland Council led by Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal made a visit to Mogadishu and met with Aden Abdulle Osman, Abdulahi Essa Mohamoud, Sh Ali Jimale and others. In the negotiations, the Somaliland delegation was adamant to the unification while their counterparts showed reluctance. Even the president of the South, Aden Abdulle Osman insisted that if the union is the case then there will be changes made to the government already in post. Abdillahi Aden Congo who accompanied the Somaliland delegation to Mogadishu reports that Egal was not in hurry and advised that Somaliland had to adopt a cool down position before proceeding to the union. Aden Abdulle Osman himself voiced similar attitudes for different reasons in suggesting that there is a hasty decision is being made by the northerners. Osman even voiced a federation between the two independent states might have been appropriate because of the two different experiences. In the end, those prompts in the discussions were superseded by the emotional wave of the public pressure pushing them from behind (more so strongly on Egal’s team from Somaliland). The final agreement was a union to be forged by 1 July 1960.

Between April and June 1960, the Legislative Assembly of Somaliland passed resolutions and submitted an Act of Union draft to the Constituent Assembly of Somalia. On the second day of the independence of Somalia (27 June 1960), the Somaliland Legislature passed a law and made a proposal of their final version of the Act of the Union for further discussions and requested to finalize a single text of Act of Union before the date set for the union, I July 1960). But the variations between the two text versions were never finalized. The two legislatures never met and a joint version of a single text was never put before the National Assembly for ratification. Interestingly, however, A different version of an Act of Union (Atto di Unione) drafted by South Somalia was debated briefly. The truth of the matter was that the Somalia Constituent already approved their version of the Act (Atto di Unione) a day prior to independence. The Northern politicians were not aware of that. Discrepancies and differences appeared between the two texts of the two versions. The process did occur as Somaliland legislature suggested earlier (that the two governments need to agree to a unified version to form a single Act which was supposed to be presented for approval by the joint legislatures. Therefore, although the ratification process for the union was hitherto verbally agreed, the official agreement was not practically implemented.

In addition to that the legislature Council of Somalia, without consultation with Somaliland legislature, added a new clause in the constitution – the election of a provisional president (by the National Assembly). On 1 July 1960, the two legislatures met briefly to elect a provisional president for the Union Republic. Neither a signed document nor an agreed Act of Union was still in place. On 1 July 1960 at 7.00 am, a provisional president, Aden Abdulle Osman, for the Somali Republic (the union of the two governments). The president immediately signed a ‘Decree’ entitled the “Law of Union of State of Somaliland and Somalia”, a version that was again never discussed before or agreed.

The decree signed by the president had much less substance than what the stipulated Act of Union would have contained. The decree was never presented to the National Assembly to be asserted and converted to a law. It was a clear breach of Article 63 of the constitution. The law was neither agreed, publicized nor promulgated. It had not been passed by the National Assembly. As stated above in the first parliamentary session of the union government, the president-elect, Aden Abdulle Osman, was nominated on the 5^th of July 1960 and chose Abdulrashid Ali Sharmarke who formed the southern-dominated a government of 16 Ministries.

In reiteration, the union of Somalia and Somaliland, despite its political implementation at every level of government and in every sphere of society for more than thirty years, had not been legally validated. It was clear that it was the people from the North only who were the major actors, the power and dynamism pushing to the union. It was the people from the North who actually forced the union upon the South so precipitously without effective and substantial negotiations and who overwhelmingly without question accepted the Southern proposals.

Elections came afterward new governments came to power but unfortunately, the imbalance of power-sharing was never addressed. In the 1964 elections, Aden Abdulle Osman was re-elected as president and he nominated Abdulrizaq Haji Hussein for the premiership.

As the union of the two states was formed (formation of the Somali Republic), the country was virtually functioning as two countries though under one flag. Two administrative systems (Italian and British), two customs and taxation systems, two official languages (Italian and English) and two educational systems were running in parallel. There was no harmonization between the two administrative systems inherited from two different colonial regimes for lack of proper plan and preparation.

What is more interesting to mention was that the National Assembly was formed before any Act of the Union was signed for lack of respect of the constitution in place. For instance, Article 1, paragraph 2 of the final provisions of the constitution showed the new National Assembly to be in existence after signing the Act of the Union which would then elect a provisional President. The process of formulation of the Act of Union was therefore utterly incomplete. The procedure of union was scrambled and topsy-turvy. Thus, the formation of the National Assembly was based on illegality. The representatives of both legislative councils did not sign any bilateral agreement which indicates that the two legislatures never discussed the issue of the union. This fact gives more support for the existence of legal anomalies surrounding the union itself that in turn shows how the Somalia and Somaliland were loosely formed for more than thirty years.

On 31 July 1961, an utterly new version of an Act of Union was brought before the General Assembly for approval. This was retrospective act as a remedial measure, but otherwise, an illegal act, to rectify the anomaly.  The trick was that the National Assembly was dominated by a majority party, mostly unelected deputies in the view of a majority vote to pass the motion. However, such action was prohibited by the provisions of the Article 10(1) and Artcile10 (2) of the Act of the Union, the draft which was not discussed.

Moreover, after the union was established, the SYL (the majority party in the parliament or the governing party, decided to hold a constitutional referendum in the country. Up until then, there was no unified constitution. The constitution that was available for the country was the one prepared for Somalia during the trusteeship period which based on the Italian Penal Code. It was written in Italian. At that very juncture, the representatives from the North sensed the illegality of the entire constitution as most of the conditions forwarded by them were not fulfilled. The principal party from the North (Somaliland), the SNL, campaigned against the ratification of the constitution of the country. In 1961 a constitutional referendum was held in the North and people voted with an overwhelming majority against its ratification. The people in Somaliland voted against this (Hargeisa, 69%; Burao, 66%; Berbera, 69%; Erigavo, 69%).

It was in October 1963 during the preparation for the 1964 general elections, after the split of SNL and USP and SYL parties, Egal and Sh Ali Jimale from the South formed a new alliance party, the Somali National Congress (SNC) Party against collusions the dominant SYL. As yet there was no unified constitution as Somaliland made no input into the one in hand before and later on Somaliland political parties’ votes against it. Besides that, as the election approached it (the constitution in hand) was written Italian and was still not translated into English. The only input the northern politicians made at a later stage was the article related to the elections by adding “ ….. Civil servants should not take part in the election and if they do so wish they should make resignations six months before the elections”.

In Somalia, a diffuse corruption, misappropriation and inflation of the number of people voted for the constitution was not uncommon. Vote rigging and inflation of voters’ population occurred. For example, the population of people voted in some small towns and villages of Adan Yabal and Wenla-Weyn was extra-ordinarily inflated The term ‘Adan Yabalism’ became a popular political term in elections due to association with vote rigging and the interestingly enough the total number of people who voted in the South (Somalia) was more than the entire population of Somalia. That also acted as one of the ingredients that sparked mistrust and lack of confidence among the people from the North at the very early stage.  As such the first seeds of dissatisfaction were sown at the outset of the union. Politicians and civil servants from the North sensed the all-out undermining and discrimination of the north (Somaliland) and its regions. Tensions hyped up among the people of Somaliland who were yesterday forcing the union with emotions. Expectations dried up, they saw the union as a non-deserving and Somaliland expectations were nulled. It was in the same token that one of the famous Somaliland poet, Ahmed Ismail Deria (Qasim) highlighted the following lines in one his popular poems:

“Namaydaan abaalmarine waana ambinaysaane (You did not pay reward us but made us lost,

Afarteeda naas baan lahaa ubadka deeqsiiye (I was hoping that milk from its four teats would suffice for the children),

Ma afurin agoonkii wadiyo kii usha u sidaye (The orphaned camel boy and its carer has still not broken his fasting),

NFD dhankeedaan lahaa u amar-ku-taagleeye (I expected to drive it (the she-camel) towards NFD),

Adisababa gee baan lahaa ayda doogga lehe (I wanted to take it (the she-camel) to the green pasture),

Iliilaha Jabuutaan lahaa aayar soo mariye (Across the narrow gorges of Djibouti I wish to take it cautiously).

[(Ahmed Ismail Dirie (Qasim)].

Soon after the union, it was clear that the governments were undermining the progress and development of the regions in Somaliland and policies against the port of Berbera contained for their export-import businesses, the major traders and enterprising companies began moving to Mogadishu to be close to the only center of power. The companies such as Jirde Hussein and sons Co,; Yusuf Iman and Co.; Haji Ibrahim Osman Food (Basbaas); Abdillahi Omaar and Co.; Mohamed Rashid Ali Ismail (Bergeye) and others all immediately relocated their businesses in Mogadishu.

The emotional drive that led the people of Somaliland to join their brothers in Somalia all of a sudden took a twist to the opposite. That resulted in the U-turn of the public opinion. Consider how famous Somalilander poets read the politics of the south and how they passed messages and feelings of the peoples’ of Somaliland as they lost hope.

“Gumeysigu hashuu naga dhaceen gurayay raadkeeda (The she-camel took away by the colonialist, the one I wanted to recover),

Gu’yaal iyo gu’yaal badan hashii gama’a noo diiday (years and years we did not sleep for its absence),

Goobtay istaagtaba hashaan joogay garabkeeda (Wherever it (she-camel) stands I was nearby),

Guuraha habeenimo hashaan gabi walba u jiidhay [The one (she-camel) I made travels by the dark nights],

Gacmaa lagu muquunshee xornimo noogumay garane [It (the she-camel) was forcefully taken waway, it was’t taken for sake of independence),

Goortuu sidkeedii galay galabtay foolqaaday (When it reached final term of pregnancy and we started to deliver),

Iyadoo candhada giijisay oo godol ku sii daysay (As the udder was swollen with pre-parturium milk and ready for milk let-down),

Garaad nimaan lahayn bay la tahay waad ka gaagixine (To a mindless it (the she-camel) he will stop it from producing milk),

Hashaan gaadda weynow libaax uga gaboon waayay [The one (the she-camel) that I did not let for the fierce male lion],

Inaan gorayacawl uga tagaa waa hashoo gudhaye (That I let it (the she-camel) for an ostrich is as if it becomes dry (milk less). (Abdillahi Suldan Timaade).

 To Be Continued

HARGEISA–Somaliland authority has given the permission for SOMNEWS to resume its operations in the country on Monday.

The country minister of information & national guidance, Hon. Abdirahman Abdilahi Farah alias Guri Barwako has issued a cicular from his office lifting the ban on the television and it will be in effect from today.

SOMNEWS officials and the minister held face to face meeting which ended in mutual unerstanding that the TV resumes its operation in Somaliland after it has been placed ban on the 29th of May according to the circular.

The government of Somaliland has confirmed that from now henceforth livestock can be exported to Saudi Arabia. This is according to the assistant minister of livestock and fishery development Mrs. Yurub Abib Abdi. The assistant minister stated the livestock trade will continue without hitch.

Speaking to Somaliland News Agency (SOLNA) Mrs.Yurub said “The livestock export trade is back and running yesterday to ships left the Berbera International Port destined to Saudi Arabia and Gulf States. The livestock export business is hoped to pick up momentum during the Eid Adha.”

She went on to say that she hope the livestock export become a permanent endeavor for Somaliland since talks between the parties involved is ongoing.

The former minister of defense in president Silanyo’s administration
Mr.Ahmed Haji Ali Adami confirmed that the former president Ahmed Mohammed
Mohammud (Silanyo) on three occasions he helped broker peace amongst the
warring faction in the El-Afweine saga. He added that the current
administration of President Musa Bihi Abdi is ready to finfd a lasting
solution to these recurring problems.

Speaking to the Horn Newspaper on telephone the former minister also talked
about the Puntland/Somaliland war in Tukaraq town and the enmity between
Somaliland and Somalia in the battle ground plus the international
community intervention in the region this is what he had to say “The people
of El-Afwein are brothers from the same father many times before they had
misunderstandings and fought a civil war however in both occasion president
Silanyo intervened to quell the skirmishes. The former president made
peace three times. It is disgusting to see people fighting in the holy
month of Ramadan worse still the last then days which is very blessed.
President Muse is ready make end to this senseless war.”

About Somalia and Puntland the former minister of defense said “Punland and
Somalia are kindling the fire of war. Somaliland is peaceful country which
has no time to engage to useless conflicts however her hand would not be
tied if her sovereignty is compromised by Somalia and Puntland. Even the
international community has called on peace in the region however Puntland
will not desist in engaging in warmongering activities.”

Horn

According to information filtering from a rendezvous confirm that the
Federal Government of Somalia and her administered region of Puntland held
an anti- Somaliland conference in the town of Baidoa South west region of
Somalia. Information reaching the Horn Newspaper from reliable sources
concur that the closed door meeting agenda was Somaliland and the recent
skirmishes in Tukaraq. During the meeting journalists were kept at an arm
length.

The president of Jubaland Sheikh Ahmed Madobe advised that they should come
up with a unitary decision against Somaliland.

The Puntland president Mr.Abdiweli Ali Gaas who also spoke at the meeting
stated that the Tukaraq war and Somaliland Military forces have exerted
maximum pressure on people who ply the Lasanod/Garowe route. He went on to
say that the Somaliland armed forces have exerted pressure on the people of
Lasanod who have the same ideology like the people of Garowe. He added
that time had come for Somaliland to be attacked using all means possible
political, economical and even physical and called on the Federal
government to lead the war. The Puntland president revealed that Somaliland
has political connections with some rogue politicians in Garowe trying to
sabotage Puntland’s interests. He added that the clique of [politicians
want to support some politicians who are in favor of Somaliland to run for
political seats in Puntland.

The South West region of Somalia president Shariff Hassan Sheikh Adam who
hoisted the meeting called on a line of communication should be
established with Somaliland and it should be asked to withdraw her armed
forces from Tukaraq and if Somaliland refuses to comply he said then a
decision should be reached. He advised all to go slow on the current state
of affairs because Puntland is holding an election whilst her economy is in
tatters.

Federal government of Somalia president Mr.Farmajo stated that to defeat
Somaliland all and sundry should unite. He advised the Puntland president
Mr.Gaas to support Somalia foreign policy instead of going alone for
instance he cited the Gulf States conflict as an example of where Puntland
has deviated.

At last the Somalia government was shouldered the responsibility to start a
war against Somaliland from different fronts political, economical,
military and diplomatic to name a few of the clandestine ant-Somaliland
agenda put forward. The participants of the meeting called on Somalia
government to exert influence on the US and UN to pressurize Somaliland to
withdraw her armed forces from Tukaraq.

The meeting was attended by the president of Somalia Mr.Mohammed Abdillahi
alias Farmajo who was flanked by his Prime Minister Mr.Hassan Khayre,
president of the different Somalia provinces and some rogue politicians
from Somaliland graced the event.

Before going to press we contacted a Somaliland politician in Baidoa who
did not want his name mentioned and asked about the meeting deliberations
he refused to divulge details.

One of the points from the meeting states that Puntland should be supported
with arms to fight back Al-shabab. However political commentators in the
Horn region underscored this as legalizing Puntland to receive the arms
Somalia receives from international arm dealers.

A new poultry processing meat plant opens in Hargeisa, Somaliland.

Abdullahi Suleiman was just recovering from losing his wife to death before he was dealt another very hard blow, Sunday.

He left home in the afternoon for Hargeisa City center to go about his daily chores. His twenty-year-old daughter was in charge.

He was looking forward to returning home and breaking fasting with the kids he was now the only parent they had when he received a call.

“Three of your children were fatally hit by a speeding car,” he was told by a neighbor who could not find any other way to break the tragic news.

“In what condition are they?” were the only words he could utter, each word running over the other in shock.

He was told to run to the Hargeisa Group Hospital to find out for himself.

The neighbor, of course, knew Abdullahi was not to reach the kids alive but there was no other way anyone could tell a parent of such a tragedy. Words to ease the pain in such a situation are yet to be invented. One trips only over meanigless platitudes that do not sink in or make sense to benumbed senses.

Abdullahi reached the hospital. He saw two bloodied bundles covered. Dead. The nurses were struggling with the third. Life left him, too, as soon as he reached by his bedside. Two turned tp three bundles. Where barely an hour ago there were three buoyant lives, now there were three broken masses of bone and flesh.

To Abdullahi, a 20-year old, a 15-year old and a 13-year old were gone forever, following their mother to the grave.

According to the traffic police, a speeding car hit all three, killing two of them on the spot.

Such very devastating road accidents are increasing by the day in Somaliland, claiming hundreds of lives per month.

People are calling for more harsh punishments for irresponsible drivers to replace existing loopholes in law and culture. No matter the enormity of the crime committed or callousness, the carelessness that caused it, drivers come out of prison soon after. Prize money changes hands and the handshakes which follow let driver-criminals out.

The law must reign supreme.

Somtribune

This part follows the previous parts involving major discrepancies of the union process and fallacies, legal loopholes and technical mistakes in the Act of Union. This is a close shave look at the origins of mistrusts, discontents and dissatisfactions of the people of Somaliland origin (politicians and public alike) after the speedy formation of the loose union.

By Dr. Hussein Mohamed Nur

As the two independent states united, the republic formed was run by civilian democratic administrations but in fragmented states with endemic corruption, tribal affiliations and nepotism. The people of Somaliland felt the heat as they were subjected to discrimination in the system and the regions of the North remained peripheral to any development. The administration was centralized in the capital, Mogadishu, as the center of politics, and the development concentrated in the south. Even students who finish their intermediate and secondary levels of education in the north and other parts had to go to Mogadishu in search of employment and further education and scholarship opportunities. This centralized domination was clearly evident among the people from the north as an essential ingredient breeding ground for dissatisfaction among the northerners and rise of an early dissent which initially started in low profile.

It took not along for the people of Somaliland origin to practically observe the deception of the south in the process of union. Italian Somalia took advantage of Somaliland’s emotional fever of the north. The union marriage was prompt without conditions or safeguards and that led to the situation.

Immediately after the unification, signs of public disaffection emerged. The situation was further complicated by an endemic corruption, a highly charged nepotism and tribal affiliations in endemic proportions in the country.  Right at the outset, misunderstandings and frictions stemmed from the amalgamation process of the two states. In addition to the inequity in the power-sharing described earlier, a growing sense of marginalization of Somaliland evidently cropped up. The regions in the North were deliberately left out on the fringes of development under the successive civilian governments of the Republic. Those were a complex number of factors that contributed to form pull factors to the formation of northern opposition and formation of SNM about two decades later in 1981 (described in next parts). Those factors contributed to lay foundation for the emergence of initial signs of discontents.

At the beginning of the union, two different economies, two different judicial, administrative, and educational systems, and two different official languages (English and Italian) formed difficult in operating the system of government. There was a complete lack of a plan for the unification and integration between the different systems of governance and civil and armed forces administrations. The foundation of the union was weak and trembling right from the start. There was a total lack of justice against Somaliland (politicians and people alike). There was an economic and development disparity between the regions of the north and rest of the country. Mogadishu and the South received the largest share of the development budget cake.

In the first year of the union, the civil servants and military officers from the North (Somaliland) were the first who felt the direct discrimination in the government institutions. On various occasions, several ministers of Northern origin resigned from the first civilian government. They were discontented with the system of government which was muddling through corruption and favoritism with all posts in the hands of southerners as mention earlier. Tribalism was importantly an extreme obsession as it reached a stage whereby even some of the first civilian governments, without showing antipathy by the government and politicians, popularly became known as a government dominated by single clans at times. For example, the Government of the ‘Sa’ad’ clan ‘Governo saad’ was dominated by ‘Sa’ad’ clan, a main sub-lineage of the Hawiye clan. On other occasions, due to the ineffective government administration of the governments in power, governments were publicly called names like ‘Awaro’ which literally mean the ‘one-eyed’ government because of its oversight, negligence and overlooking of the development of specific regions mainly the Northern regions as Somaliland state was reduced to region being governed by a governor. Loyalty to clan affiliation was the main focus and strengthened and encouraged whilst meritocracy was amiss.

The people from the north saw a yawning gap between their wholehearted wishes and their hopes and expectations from the union and initial signs of disappointment and symptoms of rejection were showing up.

In addition, to the injustice in power-sharing the capital asset, commerce and trade potential in the north was undermined and relocated to the South. The manpower with administrative skills and management in the north were transferred to Mogadishu. The port of Berbera activities and port transactions were moved to be handled by the port of Mogadishu. Abdillahi Suldan Timacade, one of the popularly known poets in the North relayed the peoples’ concerns and feelings and directly to the President, Abdulrashid Ali Sharmarke, who was on a tour to Hargeisa at the time, indicating government’s negligence and deliberate marginalization of the north using classical poetic skills:

“Midina waa dacwadayda (my point is a complaint)

Maalintii dabku qiiqaye (The day the fore and smoke were kindled)

Isticmaarkii isdiidnay (as disagreed with the colonialist)

Nimankii danta sheegtayeen (were we not those who dared to declare their intention)

Dariiqadooda ka leexane (and who did not abandon from the track)

Dacwadooda dhamaystaye (Who made their goal successful – achieved independence)

Dalka caawa aynu joogno (In this country we are in tonight)

Dulligii isticmaarkiyo (who got rid of the evils of colonialism)

Dahaadhkiiba ka siibaye (Who peeled exposed their wish for independence)

Kaana daaqad ka saaraye (Who casted that out of the window)

Dibadaanu ahayne (already we became an independent state)

Dawlad soo gashay ma ihine (We are not a patch of train that you conquered)

Danteenaa laba diiday (Our common aim was against two states)

Dabuub aanu maqlaynay (but a heresy reached us)

Dareen baan ka qabnaaye (and we have to express our feelings about it)

Dugsigii baarlamaankiyo (The parliament warren and)

Dakadii Xamarbaa leh (The port must be Hamar/Mogadishu)

Berbera daadku ha qaado (Berbera to be swept away by the current)

Dooni yaanay ku weecanoo (And no boat to has to stop here)

Duqaydii baarlmaankaay (O’ you the parliamentarian elders!)

Labadaa kala daayoo (those two cannot go together)

Yaan loo daymo la’aan” (Beware of that)”.

The same poet (Timaade), on another occasion, resented Somaliland’ political circumstances and described how independence was unreservedly lost and the way it was demeaned the Southern-dominated government:

“Ayaantay Maandeeq dhashee, uunku filanaayey (The day Mandeeq gave birth, as the world was expected)

Ubadkii oon dhadhamin bay u rareen, meel abaar badane (Even before the children tasted its milk it was moved, to a drought-striken lands)

In loo sahamiyo bay ahayd, aad wax loo dayee (A fact finding scout should have been sent beforehand, so as to settle it properly)

Abdidkii nimaan xoolo dhaqan, baan ku aaminayaye (to men who never managed stock, I trusted in them)

Way iba-kuryowdoo dar-xumaa, ooddaa lo rogaye (She (the camel) has been neglected, in a closed pen by itself)

Calankii Ilaahay baxsheen, ku istareexaynay (The flag that the Lord granted us, which we were pleased with)

Afar cisho markuu jiray, ula abraareene (when it was only four days old, they took it away to distant lands)

Aqoon badane Sheehk Yuusufbaa, aad u qoonsadaye (Sheilh Yussuf the knowledgeable scholar, had presented serious concerns)

(The she-camel is the independent state of Somaliland)

Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, the first Minister of Independent Somaliland state, sacrificed his premiership/first ministerial post for the sake of the formation of the union. Egal became Prime Minister of Somali Republic in 1967 until 21 October 1969 when his cabinet and the civilian government were toppled in a military coup led general Mohamed Said Barre on 21 October 1969. Egal was imprisoned by Siyad Barre for 12 years. The military revolution is discussed below and the union eventually ended up in disaster. That culminated in a brutal destruction of the society in Somaliland regions.

In 1961 Abdillahi Suldan Timaade himself visited Mogadishu to evaluated the political situation in person. On his return to Somaliland, based on his practical experiences and observation, he composed the following lines:

“Dawarsadaha qaawani kuwuu daasadda u madhiyay (For those whom the poor ordinary men made their properties empty for),

Ee daaskeenii wixii yaallay lagu doortay (and all what was in our shop (own) we spent for his election),

Dikhsi lama xisaabsanid haddaad dow ku kulantaane (You are no more than fly to them if you encounter them on a path).

The clan tactics of the government was unashamedly in full swing right from the start of the early infancy of the union. Mogadishu did not pay respect to the people of the North and the sacrifice they made in lieu of their independence they brought to unite with Somalia. Another popular poet from Somaliland expressed this by saying:

“ Ayaantaan  dhashiyo maanta oon uurka ka ciroobay (The day I was born and today that I am an elder),

Hashii aan intaa iyo intaa oon la dabajoogay (The she-camel that for so long I looked after in difficulties and thirst),

Hashii aan aroorida cidlada ah kula ugaadhoobay (The she-camel that I stayed within the empty wilderness),

………………………………………………………

Namaydaan abaal marine waa na ambinaysaane”  (You rewarded us not. You made us stray/lost) (Ahmed Ismail Deria ‘Qasim’)

The injustices were clearly noticeable to the ordinary citizen as portrayed by the situation by the famous Somali poet, Qasim:

“Waa kaa dareersaday Xamar Dayr cadkii dhalaye (Oh Look! The milking camel are herded by Xamar (the south),

Dambi ku hadli maayee (I am not telling lies),

Isma doorin gaalkaan diriyo daarta kii galaye (It is the same the colonialist I sent away and the one who replaced him),

Dusha midabka Soomaalibaad dugulka moodaaye (physically he appears a Somali),

Misna laguma diirsade qalbigu waa dirkii Karal e (But nevertheless, he is the same strain in heart as Carl),

……………………………………………………………

Mar uumbuu daf soo odhan nabsigii diinku soo jiidayaye (One day the luck being pulled by the tortoise will be with us),

Mar uumbay daruur caafimaad dooxa soo rogiye (One day a cloud of luck will rain and rivers will floods) (Ahmed Ismail Deria ‘Qasim’).

As the government was fully immersed with corruption and nepotism, desperation among the people was evident. “Hadduunbaa sidii buul duqeed, daaha loo ragaye” as it (government administration) was like an abandoned elderly woman’s hut”, a Somali saying articulates.

To be continued.

A Somaliland national has made history to win an athletic competition in Munich, Germany. Gentleman Abdirahman Mohammed Farah Hirsi won the municipalities athletics competitions in Munich city. The competition brought together hundreds of athletes across Germany. Master Abdirahman clinched the top position which brought many districts and provinces to vie for the championship.

Speaking to journalists after the championship master Abdirahman stated that this is his debut which will motivate him to continue his future in the tract competitions.  He added that his ambition is to become an international athlete competing for the world championships.

HARGEISA– A large gathering aimed at bolstering the country’s national security kicked off in Hargeisa a couple of days ago. The ministry of interior which is in charge of homeland security in Somaliland organized the gathering which saw the attendance of planning ministry, Good Governance and Anti Corruption Agency, and Denmark’s Developmental Agency (Danida).

Somaliland Police, the immigration department, fire fighters and both int’l agencies and local organizations including EUCAP,MONPD, EU,OXFOM, UN, IOM,CPC, NAGAD,SONYO, SONSAF and HRC attended.

The gist of the meeting was to put in place a robust security system that will protect country’s homeland security and the well being of its citizens from any security threat be it terrorism, domestic crimes and any danger that the country may face. The conference set up a plan to develop the country’s national security in collaboration with security agencies under the banner of the interior ministry. Somaliland lies in a region where terrorism and piracy are rampant due to the collapse of Somalia’s central govt in the 1990’s.

Fifteen leading human rights organisations that seek to promote freedom of expression rights in Africa have called on the President to Somaliland, a self-declared state in Somalia to put an end to the recent crackdown on press freedom rights in the country.

Over the past three months, a total of five journalists were arrested and two privately-owned TV stations were closed down for covering ongoing territorial disputes between Somaliland and Puntland, an autonomous state in Somalia.

In a petition sent to President Muse Bihi Abdi, on June 6, 2018, the petitioners called on the head of state to safeguard the freedom of expression and freedom of assembly rights of journalists and individuals in the country.

Several activists and individuals have also been arrested and detained or even sentenced to prison terms of up to three years for criticising the government on social media platforms.

The petitioners expressed deep concern about the recent attacks against journalists and individuals by Somaliland authorities, which they believed are aimed at silencing criticism, public protests and to suppress dissemination of information about the territorial conflict.

The groups also urged the President to intervene to ensure that citizens’ rights to freedom of expression and human rights are respected by authorities in the country.

Kindly read the full petition delivered to the President of Somaliland below or click here to download:

June 6, 2018

H.E. Muse Bihi Abdi

President of the Federal Republic of Somaliland

Office of the President

Hargeisa, Somaliland.

CC : Abdurrahman Abdullahi Farah, Information Minister

Your Excellency,

Petition

We the undersigned organisations write to express deep concerns about the recent crackdown on freedom of expression and freedom of peaceful assembly rights in Somaliland.

We write to denounce the increasing attacks and harassment on media organisations, journalists, activists and individuals within the last three months.

On June 4, 2018, police arrested Mukhtar Abdi Jama, journalist working with Somnews TV in Las Anod district, Sool region, upon the orders of the regional governor of Somaliland, Abdi Khayre Dirir. Although no official reason was given for Jama’s arrest, our investigations show that his incarceration is as a result of the airing of a press conference held by local leaders in the Taleh district about the conflict in Tukaraq, a disputed area between Puntland and Somaliland.

On May 29, 2018, Somaliland Ministry of Information and Public Awareness banned two privately owned stations, SBS TV and SOM News TV in the Sool region for covering the conflict between Puntland and Somaliland. Authorities accused the two stations of promoting political campaign against Somaliland and breaching journalistic ethics.

A day before the closure of the stations, a journalist working with SBS TV, Mohamed Ahmed Jama Bidhanshe was arrested by security forces. Another reporter, Abdirahman Keyse Tungub, from Bulsho TV covering similar protests was previously arrested on May 27, 2018 by police in the same town (Las Anod). The two journalists were covering territorial dispute between Somalialnd and Puntland, a semi-autonomous region in north-eastern Somalia. Both Bidhanshe and Tungub were released on May 31, 2018 without any charges following the intervention of the Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA).

In addition to the above-mentioned attacks, Somaliland police in a related development arrested over 40 protesters during demonstrations in Las Anod. The protesters were demanding the reunification of Somaliland with the Federal government based in Mogadishu.  Sadly, according to media reports, Abdirisak Mohamed Farah, police commander for Somaliland’s Sool region justified the arrests and further threatened to arrest more persons.

“We arrested 47 demonstrators including women and youth who were misled,” Farah said at a news conference in Las Anod.

“There are two reporters in jail for creating chaos. We are looking for others and shall arrest them.”

AFEX finds the police commander’s remarks as a clear attempt by authorities to repress freedom of expression rights of citizens.

According to our sources, four journalists who have been living and working in Las Anod have already fled to Garowe city, capital of Puntland, after they were threatened by Somaliland authorities for “fomenting violence” and “misinforming the public”.

These attacks have serious repercussions on the enjoyment of free speech as this could force journalists and individuals into self-censorship to avoid being harassed.

Other violations we will like to bring to your attention were recorded within April and May this year:

On May 14, 2018 police upon the orders of the regional governor of Sool, Abdi Hayre Dirir, arrested freelance journalist, Adam Jama Oogle aka Habeb following comments he made on Facebook in which he called for the reunification of Somaliland and Somalia. He was released after being held for over a week without charge.

Oogle is not the only person that has suffered attacks from the country’s authorities for exercising his fundamental right to freedom of expression online. In two separate incidents that happened in April 2018, a provincial court in Hargeisa sentenced Naima Ahmed, an activist and poet and Mohamed Kayse, a civilian to three years and 18 months in jail respectively for Facebook comments deemed libelous by the authorities. The prosecutions were carried out under Somalia’s very old penal code.

Naima Ahmed was however granted presidential pardon and released on May 7, 2018 after her family petitioned you, your Excellency.

Mr President, we find it very worrying that citizens risk being sentenced to jail for exercising their fundamental rights to free expression and assembly which is enshrined in the Somaliland’s constitution as well as African and international frameworks

We do note with satisfaction and gratitude that some of the arrested journalists and activists in Somaliland have been freed.  Nonetheless, we believe that no one should go behind bars for exercising their fundamental rights to expression and assembly.

We do recognise their release as proof of your commitment to upholding press freedom, freedom of expression and human rights in Somaliland. We are therefore calling on you to extend a similar gesture of compassion to all journalists, activists and individuals who are being held by security agents in Somaliland for exercising their fundamental rights to freedom of expression and assembly.

We call upon you to also order the reopening of SBS TV and SOM News TV stations. The closure of the two stations and arbitrary arrest of journalists is an affront to free expression and will deprive citizens of their fundamental rights to access information.

We are confident that your office will take note of our concerns and recommendations towards improving the freedom of expression and human rights environment both online and offline in Somaliland.

Yours Sincerely,

Signed,

Africa Freedom of Information Centre (AFIC) , Uganda

Association for Media Development in South Sudan (AMDISS), South Sudan

Center for Media Studies & Peace Building (CEMESP) , Liberia

Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI) , South Africa

Human Rights Network for Journalists – Uganda (HRNJ-Uganda)

www.humanrightsjournalists.org, Somalia

Institute for Media and Society, Nigeria

International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), Belgium

 International Press Centre (IPC), Nigeria

Journaliste en danger (JED), Democratic Republic of Congo

Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), Ghana

Media Rights Agenda (MRA), Nigeria

Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), Zimbabwe

National Union of Somali Journalists, Somalia

West African Journalists Association (WAJA), Senegal

This campaign is led by the African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX), a continental network of the most prominent freedom of expression and media rights organisations in Africa that are also members of the Toronto-based, IFEX, the global network of free expression organisations. The network is currently made up of 13 member organisations based in West, East, Central and Southern Africa.

Prominent Rights Groups Call on Somaliland President to Intervene in Deteriorating Freedom of Expression Situation

By Dr. Hussein M Nur

Despite the serious concerns described in the previous part and as articulated in poetic styles, the government did not address them the issues and the Somaliland politicians were unable to rectify the distorted situation. But the widespread dissent and injustices paved grounds for the rise dissidence.

A practical show of the rejection of the unification presented itself when a group of junior military officers of Somaliland origin attempted a military coup. Fresh from British and Egyptian military academies and colleges, the junior officers joined the Somaliland Scouts, they were indeed ingenious to evaluate to evaluate the political situation. They immediately became disenchanted with the system and the union state. They faced direct discrimination and injustices within the military force. They rightly predicted the distorted road Somaliland was set. They were young innocent officers who had no taste for power yet.

Just before the instatement of the union, in Italian Somalia, there was a frantic race and a mad rush for promotions among the armed forces. There was a wholesale officer promotion open only for the officers in the South. The officers of the Somaliland Scouts regiment of the Somaliland protectorate were not involved in the commotion and mayhem of that matter. The officers from the South before union were all from the Police force (there was no military force in Italian-administered Somalia). Contrarily, however, in Somaliland, there was a well-trained Somaliland Scouts military regiment. Most of the Its junior officers were graduates from distinguished top military academies in Britain such as Sandhurst and Mono as well as Egypt. At the time of unification, besides the well-trained army, the Somaliland Scouts of about 2000 strong. Somaliland also had its police force.

Just before the union, in Italian Somalia, many of the police officers were transferred to form a new military force even though they had no military experience and training at all. According to Abdillahi Aden ‘Congo’ and Awil Ali Duale (two of the few members of the aborted coup in 1961 to be discussed), most of the officers in the south were promoted twice. Firstly they were promoted when Somaliland independence was declared on 26 June 1960. For example, those with the ranks of Captains or Majors were promoted a rank up, i.e., dressing as Majors and Lieutenant Colonels respectively and again they were promoted another rank up when Italian Somalia became independent on 1 July 1960 as Lieutenant Colonels and colonels. Even the junior officers dressed two ranks up with some being promoted to seniors. There was plainly a mad rush for promotions. Whilst in Somalia such a scramble for higher ranks and generous bonus promotions were up for grabs, in Somaliland, owing to their loyalty, the officers from the Somaliland Scouts regiment and police did not take part, i.e., they did not make themselves promoted not even once.

In the first year of the union, some junior officers (Abdillahi Aden ‘Congo’, Awil Ali Duale and Abdillahi Said Abby) visited Mogadishu to meet up with the newly-appointed Military Commander, General Daud Abdulle Hersi and to make their complaints but the General did not listen to them.

General Hersi was a police officer of Italian Somalia. The General was the fourth in a rank of the police force in Somalia whilst General Mohamed Abshir was the highest in rank in the police force followed by General Mohamed Siyad Barre and General Abdalla Sandhere as the third in rank of the police force. General Hersi showed no sympathy to the Somaliland junior officers’ in relation to their complaints.

Meanwhile, the government’s top posts of the government were dominated by people from Somalia. Allocations were based on clan system and not on merit. Representatives from the two major clans of Somalia were the candidates for major posts. General Mohamed Abshir and General Mohamed Siyad Barre were from the same main lineage. The allocation of most important posts and portfolios involved taking turns between officers of the two main clans in Somalia (Hawiye and Darod). Abdillahi Aden Congo compares this act as a Somali children’s traditional riddle or game “ii Cug!, Cirka!’ (‘I Take this! You Take that!’) or ‘qaatay ee qaado’ (I got, you pick). Thus, taking turns was the default formula for power-sharing between the two main protagonist tribal actors.

Because of that game in play, General Siyad Barre lost his seniority post. He was second in seniority after General Mohamed Abshir and expected to be allocated to the post of military commander. But nevertheless, since General Abshir was from the same clan as Barre was allocated the post Police Commander, the post of military commander was the turn of the major rival clan. So, therefore, it went to General Daud who was the fourth in the chain of seniority (Mohamed Siyad Barre was, in fact, second the seniority after Mohamed Abshir and Abdalla Sandhere who was the third in seniority chain. Barre, a senior ahead of General Daud, was demoted to the Chief of Staff post of the Military simply because he belonged to the same clan as Mohamed Abshir. Barre was denied the post of Military Commander because of his clan affiliation to general Abshir. Siyad Bare felt bitter injustices.

The Somaliland junior officers decided to plan a military coup the aim of which was to bring back the lost independent state of Somaliland so that Somaliland would be in a better position to correct the mistakes incurred during the unification and to eventually address the unforeseen consequential issues of injustices, marginalization and domination. They saw that only in that way would Somaliland be in a stronger position to make reasonable negotiations and adjustments should it wished to unite with Somalia.

In fact, it was only the Somaliland Scouts was still intact as an institution not yet touched with the quagmire of the politics. Immediately, after the union, almost all of the civil servants in Somaliland government offices were transferred in masses to the South. The Somaliland government in the North was dismantled and reduced to some fringe offices run by southerners and as a region with a governor. Such injustices were clearly sensed by the public in the North. The cardinal objective of the junior officers was to return Somaliland to back its independent status quo.

Who is who of the members of the coup?

The core group of the coup was initially composed of eleven officers though later increased to twenty-three. They were: 1.Hassan Abdillahi Walanwal (Hassan Kayd) (2-star lieutenant) (Buroa/Togdheer);2. Abdillahi Mohamed Aden (Abdillahi Congo) (2-star Lieutenant) (Hargeisa);3. Muhumed Abdillahi Robleh (Muhumed Awr) (2-star lieutenant); (Sahil); the rest were one-star lieutenants: 4. Abdillahi Said Abby (aka as Gamadhere) (Hargeisa); 5. Said Ali Ghir (Las Anod); 6. Mohamed Mohamoud Said ‘Bidihleh (Hargeisa); 7. Mohamed Abdirahman Haji Jama (Lugooyo) (?); 8. Faisal Haji Jama Geddi (Buroa); 9. Awil Haji Ali Dualeh (Hargeisa); 10. Abdillahi Abdi Farah ‘Deyr’ (Hargeisa); 11. Daud Ali Yahye (Borama); 12. Hussein Mohamed Bullaleh (Hussein Dakhare) (Berbera); 13. Abdillahi Ahmed Kibar (Gabiley); 14. Mohamed Warsame (Borama); 15. Mohamed Mohamoud Raghe (Berbera); 16. Abdi Yusuf (Hargeisa); 17. Mohamed Sh Muse (Sheikh); 18. Ahmed Haji Deria (Buroa); 19. Ali Harun (Buroa); 20. Said Oogle (Buroa/Togdheer); 21. Abdi Dhala Abdi (Las Anod); 22. Abdikarim Ashur (Las Qoray); 23. Abdi Ali Hussein (Abdi Habashi) (Jigjiga)

Until today there is an archetypal myth – that those involved in the coup belonged to one clan. However, the truth of the matter is that they represented most of the clans and regions across Somaliland as they shared the same common feelings – the imbalance power, the injustices and inequalities in the military force and the way Somaliland independence was handled at the time. Therefore, the officers stood for a unique experience. Some senior officers who were not involved today express that the junior officers were young fresh graduates, inexperienced and understood no politics. I retain the opinion that the junior officers were right and they did it for that reasons and not for a search of power as seniors would have liked.

As retold by Abdillahi Aden and Awil Ali Duale (both of them members of the coup) the plan was to conduct the coup in two years’ time. But nonetheless, for internal technical reasons and for unforeseen circumstances, the coup took place earlier on 10^th December 1961. In earnest preparations, some officers already and immediately showed reluctance while others not even endorsed the idea. That brought suspicions among the coup planners and that they would foil the operation by disclosure of the movement of the groups. Therefore, a hasty decision had to be taken – the coup to occur well in advance of its planned timescale. The Commander of the Somaliland Scouts regiment, Colonel Mohamed Ainanshe, the late Colonel Abdillahi Yusuf and other officers from the South were detained on the day. Lieutenant Abdillahi Abdi Farah (Deyr) was posted to take control of the central police station and Lieutenant Mohamed Mohamoud Rage held Radio Hargeisa.

The plan was that detainees were to be kept far from the scene of the operation, Hargeisa and Somaliland Scouts Headquarters. They were supposed to be kept at the Government rest house at Ga’an Libah Mountain, near Adadley. That did not happen as the officer who was assigned to the task did not execute the job as planned. Instead, they were kept at a private house owned by Abdillahi Darawal then resided by Awil Ali Duale, one of the coup plotters. The prisoners were under guard by Lieutenant Abdillahi Said Abby and private Abdillahi Ali Hussein.

The Somaliland scouts soldiers at Birjeex military base in Hargeisa missed their commander, Colonel Mohamed Ainanshe and other superiors. That itself raised suspicion and as soon as their whereabouts were sighted, the soldiers stormed the house. A fire was exchanged between Lieutenant Abdillahi Said Abby, the officer in charge of the detainees. Officer Abby and a companion, Ahmed Awad, were killed in the exchange of fire as they refused to give up and release the detainees. Hassan Kayd, a senior member of the coup was shot and injured in the knee walking by the gate of Birjeex Military HQ.

Within the same day, the coup was aborted. All officers in revolt were imprisoned overnight in Hargeisa but were immediately transferred to Mogadishu. The details of the conditions of the prison and how they were treated were exposed by the surviving individuals of the plotters.

The prisoners were taken into custody at a training camp known as ‘Botigo’ (later re-named as ‘Halane’) near Mogadishu. In the jail, they were badly and inhumanely treated in appalling conditions. After several months, they were then transferred to Mogadishu central prison (‘cella morta’ in Italian which means the ‘dead cell’). They were kept in the dark underground at the basement, tunneled under the Indian Ocean Sea. After languishing in jail for about a year and a half, private Indian-Kenyan lawyers were hired from Nairobi, Kenya for them and court proceedings started in Mogadishu. The proceedings of the trial at the court in Mogadishu began in July 1963. The judge was Mr. Hazelwood, a British from the court of Hargeisa in Somaliland oversaw the deliberations and the final verdict ruling with an Italian prosecutor. (St. Ricardo!!). The proceedings took nearly two months. Finally, the prisoners were cleared and acquitted. The verdict was ‘not guilty’. In fact, the judge declared no case at all. The debacle of the case at the court was determined by several reasons:

• That the officers were never sworn for a country called ‘Somali Republic’. The last time they swore, it was for the Queen of England for Britain.
• That the judgment was not to be brought under the constitution of a country called (Somali Republic). Instead, it should have been conducted under Somaliland state jurisdiction. Hence, to be judged under the Indian Penal code.

The only constitution available (that of Somalia) which was only effective at the time took precedence and the case was taken as a civilian case. Had the case been heard in a Somaliland court, it would have a criminal court and the prisoners would have been tried under the Somaliland legal instruments, i.e., the Indian Penal Code and they would have been court marshaled under the Somaliland Scouts military law. Therefore, article 6 of the Republic’s constitution directed that court marshaling of military officers was inapplicable so long as there was no war situation in the country. In Somaliland, the prisoners would have been convicted as guilty and concluded with a firing squad (death penalties).

The court case proved that the union with South was not void and non-existent and there was no binding document ratified bilaterally by the partners of the union. In fact, there was no Act of Union which was ratified as a legal binding contract between the two states.  Abdillahi Mohamed Aden (Congo), a senior officer member of the coup, affirms: “Had the court been in Hargeisa, we would have been court marshaled in accordance with the Somaliland Scouts regiment law. We would have surely been shot by a firing squad because we committed a treason crime against the State of Somaliland and not against a country called the Somali Republic for which we had never avowed or taken an oath for”.

Soon after the failed coup, punitive measures were taken by the government which was dominated and powered by the South. In the same month of the year 1961, another serious discontent surfaced. The SNL, a northern political party, noticeably expressed discontent and advocated boycott in the referendum.

Such episodes clearly constituted some of the early signs of discontent and disagreements as a result of political and administrative differences. They also acted as forms of expression and discontent by the people from the North within the union right from the start the civilian governments that came to power between 1960 and 1969 failed to address the problems and to find out solutions for the standing grievances of the northerners.

To be continued

HARGEISA– Somaliland says it has welcomed United Nations and IGAD’s efforts to declare truce between Somaliland govt and militia soldiers backed by Puntland which skirmished in the town of Tuka Raq.

Puntland, a federal state in Somalia has dismissed the relentless attempt from the international community to end the hostility between the two sides. Somaliland has fomally accepted the move to declare a ceasefire and is to start talks with Puntland authority.

The president of Puntland, Abdiweli Gaas has rebuffed the peace agreement proposed by UN and IGAD but said that he will only make peace with Somaliland unless certain demands are met.

Firt of all, Mr. Gaas has said that Somaliland must withdraw its armed forces from Tuka Raq. The President further reiterated that Somaliland must end the fighting and start talkning. Puntland’s refusal to accept UN and IGAD brokerered peace agreement is an obsticale to end the animoisty between Somaliloand and Puntland.

The Int’l community is due to make a decision in the days to come concerning the rejection of Puntland to accept the proposed peace accord. Puntland has categorically denied media reports that talks are to start with Somaliland as said by SL’s FM, Dr. Sa’ad Ali Shire.

Exporting southern troubles to the north will not be a solution for the war-torn population in Mogadisho and Kismayo. Being free from war businesses in Somalia, Farmajo’s presidency seems to be a glimpse of hope for those who learned his appearance in Shekh Sharif’s interim government. Because of his inexperience and untested personality, Farmajo seems to be unwise when he was tempted into Arb’s tug-of-war games.

Although Sool was politically unresolved contention, it is evident that Puntland, before Farmajo’s tenure, were unwilling to attain its territorial claims through deadly military engagements.  Last months,  It was evident that Farmajo were doing whatever he could to disturb Somaliland’s investment opportunity, in which Dubai and Ethiopia are expected to develop the infrastructure of Ber-bara port.  Farmajo was doing this to please his Qatari and Turkish patrons, disregarding the development of this investment will contribute to the region. He mobilized his Mogadisho Parliament to ridiculously outlaw the tripartite treaty, and ousted Jaware (Chairman of parliament) who appeared to be confused with substance of that motion. Respectively, they never stopped to call the Security Council attention to terminate the investment deal, and now, enough to sink the ship; Farmajo is building up armies and weapon in the name of Darodism along the border.

Before those manipulations, Puntland as a neighboring region had shared common things with Somaliland.  Both administrations had proved cooperative policies in many aspects, including security, Commerce and social movements.  The political stability and the resilience of Somaliland was a model for Puntland—which is the only region that succeeded to build up a functioning administration in Somalia. Like Somaliland, they defiantly decided to do business with UAE, which was not in favour to the Federal Government. If we put it in Somaliland’s Perspective, this was seen as a rightful choice; for Garoowe administration to develop its infrastructure in the same way that Mogadisho improved its air and seaports with the Turkish investments. It is not right to interpret the military counteractions as antipathy towards to those who live across the border, but if asked Somalilanders will not hesitate to admit what the stability of Puntland’s polity means to them, since it provides them a buffer against the stresses of South.

What makes Sool and Sanaag to be a contentious issue was not the cross-bordering ideal of Darodism that we recently hear from Groowe.  These claims were not there before Abdillahi Yousuf. It is him, who told that including Dhulbahante and Warsengali figures in Garowe conference was not more than a political maneuver aimed to disturb Somaliland’s Effort toward recognition. On the other hand, Somaliland had no interventionist policy, seeing that it had done nothing to interrupt the arrangements of Puntland’s First Conference, whereas Mr Yousuf admitted in his Halgan and Hagardamo book  his involvement in that conspiracies before the nascency of his Garowe bureaucracy .

It is good for Puntland’s unskilled leader, and his colleague, Farmajo,  to read the memoir of their Forefather (Abdillahi Yousuf) before they answer whether Tukaraq is a worth-fighting issue or not. Las-anod was left to itself to directly choose its local council; since Garoowe had failed to get its first elected Mayor.  The basic question that one should ask himsef Is whether the Abdulhakeem Amey of Puntland  is the true advocate for Sool people, or the 25 councilors whom they supported with their votes?

If Puntland claims Sool and Sanaag territories on the basis of its blood-relation are logic; it should define its attitude towards the people whom their relatives are coexisting; are they casted from another planet? It is shame for its administration, to engage their peace-loving people into the uncertainty of a brand new, ethnic-related hostility. Somalilanders believe that Sool people will be lucky, if they took advantage from their kinship with Puntland and citizenship in Somaliland at once. Nothing prevents them to be the brothers of one and the cousins of the other.

The pastoral life of that regions does not need territorial restrictions and patrolling troops, but to live out the troubles of urban classes.  So Puntland’s argument is nothing more demagoguing Somaliland People with hatred. Previously, Abdillahi Yousuf had failed to adopt his Nazi-like pan-darodism advocacy, when lower juba Marehansof Kismayo refused to be dictated from Graroowe, and chose non clan-related  alliance with another group (Hawiye, eyr). In this regard only Harti communities neither will be logical nor empirical approach, since there is no well-defined social topography that demarcates Harti-clans from their neighboring clans.

Whatever their clans,  Sool and Sanaag populations are interwoven society. They are ecologically compelled to live side by side, despite of their lineage diversity. The socio-economic structure of this area is non-urbanized, sparsely populated, where lives of its communities depend on sharing pasture and water. So the dissidence of Diaspora and certain office-holders in Garowe is not serving for the interest of their pastoral communities.

Yes, there are many things that are wrong in the make-up of Somaliland’s political structure. And I believe that wrongs cannot be righted by those who hang-out in Garoowe, but by those whom the life and the development of their constituency is concerned. Although Somaliland is not a politically repressive or restricted environment, it has to do more to demonstrate its willingness to actually respond to the political grievances of Sool and Sanaag people.

There should be more openness and flexibility from the part of the government, whenever the question of what the future of Somaliland’s statehood holds for non-isaks, is on the table. Thanks to intellectuals like Ali Khalif, Ahmed Samatar and Hagle-tosiye who shared the conviction that says ‘Sool and Awdal should not treat themselves as the guests that wait to be served, rather standing to the ‘heat of the kitchen’.

Advocate Mohamed Ahmed Abdi Ba’alul

Waddi 12 @gmail.com ( +252 63 44 88011)

Around 3,500 fishermen in Somaliland have been put out of a living by the tropical cyclone Sagar that struck northern parts of Somalia on 18 May.

Fishermen in Lughaya, Berbera, Sayla, Laas-qoray and El-Sheikh are struggling to feed their families after losing equipment and the damage of infrastructure.

Ali Hussein Nur, director of Somaliland’s ministry of pastoralism and fishing, said four large fish cold storage facilities in Lughaya had been destroyed in the storms.

The deputy chairman of the fishermen association in Lughaya, Awil Hussein, said their 1,500 members had seen their income slashed.

Feysal Ali Sheikh, director of Somaliland’s disaster preparedness and food storage agency, said 53 fishermen who were out at sea when the storm came had made narrow escapes. Their boats were destroyed whilst the men were saved by the coast guards.

Feysal said the government had issued warnings to stay away from the ocean two days prior to the cyclone. However, the fishermen continued to go out to fish.  Feysal said he asked the regional administration to send out the coast guard to save fishermen stranded some 200 metres off shore as the storm increased.

Mohamud Farah Ali, a fisherman in Las-qoray, Sanag region, and a father of five, normally earns $6 a day from fishing. His family is currently buying food on credit from the stores.

Mohamud and two others were saved off Lasqoray coast. He told Radio Ergo they were powerless to navigate their way back to the shore due to the high winds. After two hours in the rain and storm, the coast guard came to their rescue.

Some families dependent on fishing are now relying on aid handouts from Somaliland and Djibouti, as well as from UN agencies including UNICEF and WFP.

Hussein Ibrahim Rayaale lost his house in the storm and is sheltering with his four children under plastic sheeting given out by UNICEF. He said they lost all their belongings.

Awil Hussein, deputy chairman of the fishermen’s association in Lughaya, told Radio Ergo they have not calculated the losses caused by the cyclone. They are working to rebuild the fish storage facilities.

Radio Ergo

In the last few years we have witnessed perpetual conflict between two major tribes in the El Afwayn, Sanaag region of Somaliland. The conflict particularly intensified in the last couple of months where there has been serious bloodshed in both sides. El Afwayn is a district in the Sanaag region of East Somaliland which borders with Puntland.
During the previous Somaliland administration, the government succeeded in reaching a peace deal  between the two tribes at war in the region. The details of the peace deal included the two tribes having fair access to land, water and pasture areas with an emphasis that no tribe can claim the region over the other. The deal also stipulated that no new settlements could be created for each tribes own use. As such, the people of these tribes are to live side by side in peace in the established villages, towns, and cities in the region. Additionally, each tribe are to pay blood money to the other side and any injured people are to receive compensation. These agreement were widely successful and had the backing of the two major tribes in the region. Part of the agreement also entailed a bond between the two tribes that if it is broken there would be heavy fine for the tribe that initiates any war or fighting.
Nonetheless, the peace deal agreement was yet broken again after the fighting resumed between the two tribes in March 2018. The new Somaliland administration set out to reach another peace agreement between the two tribes however the governments involvement has turned the fighting into a new direction. In a short period of time, while Muse Bihi has been a president in Somaliland, the fighting  in El Afwayn has reoccurred at least two times. It is widely believed that the reason for the reoccurring of the fighting in El Afwayn is that the Somaliland government fails to prioritise the issues in the region. Moreover, some have argued that President Bihi is using the fighting in El Afwayn as a political gain in order to divert the public attention from the division that his election brought upon the country. Fuel was added to the fire after President Bihi’s administration failed to equally allocate governmental positions( i.e.  region governor, deputy governor, mayor and deputy mayor) between the two major tribes in Sanaag.  Since the last fighting there has also been a major incident where an army officer defected from the national army to form his own gorilla army in the Sanaag region. President Bihi’s government have made little effort to capture this officer who is a security threat to the region. In fact, it is public knowledge that the defected officer is further being supported by the mayor and deputy police commissioner of the region. The political climate in the region has been further made worse by tribal leaders seeking military support from neighbouring Puntland. As a result, the lack of government role in the issues of Sanaag could spiral out of control and lead to the region turning into a war-zone.

by : Ahmed A B Ibraahim

LLM International Law, BA Business  Administration

By Dr. Hussein Nur

Somalia’s relationship with the Soviet Union ruptured abruptly and was brought to a sudden halt during the 1977/78 Somali-Ethiopian. From the champion of ‘Scientific Socialism’ and the arch-enemy of American ‘Imperialism’ in Africa, Barre turned to west especially the USA self-disguised as an actor acting as the prosecuted victim of “International Communism”. In reality, it was only a political gimmick with a ceremonial dance. He was playing a game. The Somali forces were defeated in the war as the Soviets turned sides providing arsenal (more superior than the one he used to give to Somalia) together with an alliance of armed forces from socialist satellite countries (Cuba, South Yemen, Libya etc.).

The defeat of the Somali armed forces was one of the chief catalytic factors that encouraged and speeded the rise of liberation struggles by organized dissident groups, firstly by the SSDF (Somali Salvation Democratic Front) and shortly afterward by the SNM (Somali National Movement by the people of the North. At the end of the war, disappointments and differences cropped up with the Barre’s leadership and diplomatic blunders. The existing internal dissent before the war was rekindled and openly surfaced giving rise to the emergence of opposition groups.

The formation of the SNM

Fourth General Assembly of SNM in 1984 at Jigjiga, Ethiopia
For more than three decades, the Somaliland-Somalia foundation of a relationship in the union was shaky and going with less confidence. Northern people finally completely lost trust. The democratic compact got threatened. Meanwhile, Barre leashed persistent campaigns of terror against Somaliland people in North ending with an upsurge of dissent. Disaffection and disenchantment rose on a steeply rising gradient and took an extra dimension. The economic and development disparity between Mogadishu and regions of Somalia and Somaliland, the injustices and extreme discrimination increased and led to form breeding grounds for the rising of armed dissidents resulting from the build-up of tensions in the north.

As part of that repression and direct discriminations of the northerners, a wholesale sacking of 75 top civil servants in government top portfolios and offices (Osman Ahmed Hassan, Omer Meygag Samatar, Hassan Meygag Samatar, Hassan Aden Wadadiid, Abdi Haybe, Said Abdillahi Hinig, Sheikh Yusuf Sheikh Ali Sheikh Madar, Ismail Hurre (Buba) few among others) was made by Barre in a single day. That formed another main catalytic factor for dissidence formation. Licences and Letters of credit were withdrawn from the northern merchants such Mohamed Hassan Dalab (aka ina Hassan Dalab) as far as I remember. In sum, the end product was a loss of loyalty for the government in the north which eventually escalated to an open dissent and preparations for the formation of a political movement.

SNM members in 1983
Secret talks were organised between northerners in the military force (Mohamed Hashi Lixle was the coordinator) with top government members (dissented Somali Revolutionary Council (SRC) and politburo members and high ranking government officers of northern origin such as Ismail Ali Abokor, Omer Arteh Ghalib, Jama Mohamed Ghalib, Suleiman Mohamed Aden, Dahir Warsame, Osman Ali Jama (Osman Kalun), Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Sillanyo (president of Somaliland between 2010 to 2017), and intellectuals (Suleiman Nuh, Abdi Ismail Duse and others). Mohamed Kahin Ahmed, a military colonel, provided a detailed account of the dynamics of the preparation and internal movements for the formation of the Somali National Movement opposition (as reported elsewhere I a forthcoming book – The Rebirth of Somaliland). The formation of the SNM as an opposition force developed in stages.

By the early 1970s, there was already an underground network but still not structured as an organization. The politicians and officers from the armed forces, high ranking government civil servants and the intellectuals used to meet up covertly and furtively. Similarly, secret activities were being conducted in the diaspora especially in the Gulf region, Europe, and North America. The different groups were intimately linked together. In Saudi Arabia, they were Hassan Aden Wadadid, Abdisalan Yasin, Mohamed Hashi Elmi and Ahmed Ismail Abdi (Duqsi) as the vanguard group. The group visited London to discuss with the UK-based intellectuals including Hassan Essa Jama, Abdirahman Abdulqadir, Ibrahim Sh. Muse Ahmed, Aden Warsame Said, Ibrahim Ali Weyrah, Abdillahi Ahmed Guleid and others. The Middle East group, especially the Saudi Arabia group, suggested the production of an opposition journal in the diaspora in London. However, that was not possible. In the second visit to London by the same group plans to launch an opposition organization in Britain was agreed as the requisite for an opposition organization became imminent. That subsequently led to the formation of the SNM opposition which was officially launched on 6th April 1981 in London. Ahmed Mohamed Gulaid and Ahmed Ismail Abdi (Duqsi) were elected as the Chairman and Secretary of the movement respectively. Soon afterward there was a need for establishing a military wing to carry an armed struggle and liberation.

Soon afterward, the SNM Office in London became the organization’s Headquarters and subsidiary offices were opened in other parts of the world across Europe and North America (Washington D.C, the USA headed by late Ibrahim Meygag Samatar) and throughout the UK (Cardiff, Sheffield, Liverpool, and Manchester) and Europe.

From left Abdillahi Askar, Ismail Daud Egal and Mohamed Hashi ‘Lihle
The people who were the force behind the formation of the SNM are divided into categories. One, a group was already out of the country. This group consisted of ex-civil servants, politicians etc. who left the country, many of whom in the Gulf countries, Europe and North America. Two, a strong group was inside the country consisting of politicians, intellectuals, government officers and civil servants, businessmen etc. in Mogadishu and in the North. However, there was a third component. That was the first armed organized group, an already armed militia group called AFRAAD, led by Mohamed Ali Farah and his friend Mohamed Ali Nur. They were both highly trained military officers and tacticians trained in Syria and with an experience of guerrilla warfare. They both trained with the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon. Most of the military officers of northern origin were stationed in the North and Central regions. An important sub-group who provided support and working with the inside group was the business people, traders and merchants and the public who generously financed all activities.

There were internal coordinators for the SNM inside the country (Colonels Mohamed Hashi ‘Lihle and Ahmed Mohamed Hala’) between the high ranking government civil servants and officials including Ministers and intellectuals such as Abdi Ismail Duse and Suleiman Nuh and Dr. Mohamed Ismail Abdi (Diktorka).

The AFRAAD militia members were recruited from the local areas. It was a highly trained armed militia group initially incorporated with the WSLF sponsored by the Somali government to fight Ethiopia. AFRAAD had long-standing differences with the WSLF. It took part in the 1977/78 war with high performance. AFRAAD, being consisted of fighters of northern origin, broke away from the WSLF. Mohamed Ali and his militia became independent group fighting for the rights of the local people of northern origin. They camped at a tree named as the ‘Mohamed Ali Tree’ (between Geedbladh and Tog-Wajale) by the border with Ethiopia though moved later to a place called ‘Siyaarada’ on the Ethiopian side of the border. In the North, there was an important sub-group, the students in schools who dared later to conduct persistent open public protests using stone throwing, intifada style.

In early 1982 in Mogadishu, the SNM decided to secretly support 8 officers from the national army and help them to defect to join the SNM in Ethiopia. The first wave five military officers made the defection (from the Somali army) successfully. In January 1982, the first two officers who defected were Colonels Aden Sheikh Mohamed (Aden Shine) and Ahmed Dahir Nur (Ahmed Dhagax). While on holidays, they managed to cross the border to Ethiopia at a place known as ‘Qudhaca’ to join the SNM in Ethiopia. In February 1982 Colonel Mohamed Kahin Ahmed (the current Minister of Interior of Somaliland) defected after them. He was successfully followed by a wave of officers in different time frames. Immediately after Mohamed Kahin, three other colonels joined us in Ethiopia. They were the three Adams: Adam Musa Jibril, Adam Suleiman, and Adam Mohamed Samakab. Within a short period, groups of high ranking officers from inside and abroad and ex-civil servant civilians living in the diaspora (especially the Middle East) joined us in Ethiopia as delegates for an SNM conference from different parts of the world. From London came the first Executive Committee members of the SNM (Ahmed Ismail Duqsi who was the Acting Chair and Secretary at the time, Hassan Essa Jama, and others), others from the Arabian Gulf countries, Egypt (Cairo) etc. Among the high ranking officers who joined us were: Abdulqadir Kosar, Ali Ismail (Ali Hayan), Abdi Ibrahim (Jaalladiid) from Qatar; Musa Nadif, Madaxdiid, Abdillahi Abdi Obsiye (Uddo), Dayib Gurey, Musa Bihi Abdi, Abdillahi Hussein ‘Dhegaweyne’, Abokor Ismail Hassan Mattaan (Abokor Shadh-yare), Shakib Suldan Abdulqadir, Gacmadheere, Salebaan pilot, Ismail Aden Filiste, Tarandad, Mohamed Mirre, Hussein Dheere, Abdirahman Huunsho, Mohamed Ali Farah Food, Hassan Selim, Abdisamed, Abdillahi Askar and many others. Most of them were in Mogadishu for transfers from the North by the Division Commander of the North, General Mohamed Gani as suspects for defections.

The SNM first conference at Nazaret, near Addis Ababa. The civilians who attended were from Saudi Arabia. Hassan Adan Wadadid, Mohamed Hashi Elmi, Osman Ahmed Hassan, Hassan Khalif, Ahmed Kayse (from Jedda) and Zaki Ahmed, Mohamed Yussuf Adde and Abdisalan Yasin (from Riyadh). Intellectuals like Mohamed Warsame Hadrawi, Rashid Abdillahi (Gadhweyne), Mohamed Hashi Dhama (Gariye), Farah Ali Gamute, Yasin Nur, Gariye, Abdirahman Yusuf Duale (Boobe) and Mohamed Jama also attended.  Soon afterward a wave of intellectuals arrived from the inside the country. Dr. Mohamed Ismail Abdi (Diktorka was one of them. The first military officers joined from the diaspora included Abdulqadir Kosar (from Qadar), Musa Bihi (the current president) from the USA, Ali Hayan and others.

The first batch of commando training school was established at Babuli by Colonel Ahmed Mire. The military wing was finally in form. Operations started soon after recruitments and short training and refresher courses for the fighters.

To be continued