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Somaliland herders in Awdal desperate to have their livestock replenished after the cyclone disaster

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Around 44,000 camels and goats died as a result of the tropical cyclone in Awdal region of Somaliland, according to the government.

The coordinator of the Somaliland livestock ministry, Dahir Muse Hussein, told Radio Ergo they conducted a survey in Baki and Lughaya and found that most of the livestock died in the heavy downpours and subsequent cold.

The coordinator said 37,434 animals died in Baki, which was one of the areas worst hit by the cyclone. Pastoralists in Ruqi, Siimoodi, Baysaarre, Qardhiile, Kaxda, Durdurka-cad and Qotinka villages in Baki all suffered considerable losses.

Many of the pastoralist communities affected had migrated with their livestock over the border into Ethiopia’s Somali region to save them from the long drought.  They returned with their livestock at the beginning of the ‘Gu rainy season.

Mohamed Ahmed Ateeyem, the commissioner of Baki, said around 13,000 pastoralist families lost their livelihoods in the cyclone disaster.

Dayib Dahir Amir, in Ruqi village, eight km east of Baki, lost 32 goats and our camels. He has only two camels left. He told Radio Ergo that his family’s lifeline centred on livestock and they are now dependent on relief aid for survival.

In Lughaya, especially the western areas, the ministry survey documented the death of 6,559 domestic animals. Some of the carcasses have been buried or burned to contain the spread of disease. However, the ministry coordinator noted that the disposal of animal carcasses has still not begun in some places.

Mukhtar Adan Miaad, a livestock specialist in Borama, warned that the unburied carcasses posed a huge risk to human health, as contaminated rain water was draining down in to drinking water catchment areas.

He advised the local administrations to deploy bulldozers to assist in the burial exercise.  He said the disposal of carcasses should be done a safe distance away from people’s homes.

Destitute herders are receiving handouts of food, clothing and plastic shelter from international aid organizations and from Djibouti.

The ministry coordinator told Radio Ergo that local people were desperate to have their animals replaced so that they can resume their way of life. The survey has been shared with the Somaliland administration and aid organizations, with a view to catalyzing restocking initiatives and responses.

Radio Ergo


Somaliland needs a speedy foreign policy reforms after 27 years of independence

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Since Somaliland’s declaration of its autonomous political ambitions in 1991, many Somalilanders and beyond are still confusing or are in a position of different opinions according to; what Somaliland has been achieved since then and also where it is heading?  In other words; is Somaliland the right path to realize its longtime dream of statehood since its inception in 1991? Or is it the time to sit and rethink its future deeply?

Before we go through approaching these questions; it is more interesting to go back and have a short preview to Somalilands’ political background, chiefly during and post-colonial years. More than eighty years under British rule, Somaliland was a pastoral democratic society, where by a traditional cline system and a modern state affair were rivaling side by side. During these years Somaliland had different ideological political parties, free press, and Westminster like representatives elected from across the country. When Britons achieved Somaliland coastal areas, in late eighteens century, they immediately started to agree with tribal headmen on different locations and occasions chiefly in Berber, and those bilateral agreements created what is called Somaliland British Protectorate until 1960.

However; In 1960s the British protectorate becomes among the first nations in Africa, which got their independence from Great Britain, and right away started to unite with the rest of Somalia (Italian Somaliland) to generate greater Somalia, a dream which never realized. Unfortunately this unification was not politically calculated and legally settled, so it became the gridlock of Somalis dream of uniting the Somali people in the region under one flag. Nine years after political ambiguity, corruption and marginalization under New Somali government in Muqadisho, unexpectedly coup d’état took place in 1969, lead by communist party leader M. S. Barre, covering his palms the little hope that all Somalis had to resume their life dream of great Somalia.  Mean while, everything went wrong, the brutality, oppression and dictatorial policies outshine. Good or bad, after longtime struggling Somaliland managed to say enough is enough in 1991, and announced its self-declaration, claiming to re-correct one major and historic mistake: going and uniting with Muqadisho.

Nevertheless; currently we may find some governments dealing with Somaliland as an independent country, by appointing ambassadorial ranking officers, opening consulate buildings in Hargeisa the capital city, officially welcoming Somaliland delegates on their capitals and reciprocally sending their high diplomats now and then, while also giving an entry visa to persons with Somaliland passports. Besides that, having bilateral economic agreements, like UAE and Ethiopia is another case showing Somaliland’s political positions in the region and a major political decision no one can denies. Yet; we do not have a sole state who deliberately acknowledges the political existence of Somaliland statehood and luckily or unluckily, we are not expecting it rapidly.

Though recognition may have different meanings to different people legally, politically, socially and even diplomatically, what is meaning here is the traditional recognition of states in international system (the formal acknowledgement of the status of an independent State by other existing states). Therefore; been recognized is a dynamic approach depends on situational and political aspects of different states, greatly, it is more about a home growing phenomenon, as many scholars believe, including me.

It is calculative and coherent national foreign policies, which are stemming from each country’s domestic policies, historical background, legal justification, regional and international stakeholders perspectives, and much more like. So that; we all know the importance of proving the rule of law, accountability, transparency and freedom of expression in the state are very key pillars to attract many other states and international actors.

Coming to the point, Somalilanders are all aware of that until now; there is no single country in the world which dares to say Somaliland deserves a formal recognition as a sovereign state. Ethiopia -a neighboring and a sympathetic state- is even reluctant to announce what is in its heart, recognizing Somaliland case openly. Instead of that, Addis Ababa favored its cordial and deliberate quiet diplomacy. On the other side; Ismail O. Gelle’s regime of Djibouti is also using fluid and more personalized policy, which is unclear pattern and outmaneuvering Somaliland foreign policy. Gelle and his government are ready neither to recognize nor to advocate Somaliland recognition, as we learned from last 27 years.

Besides the two hesitant neighboring countries, Somalia the metropolitan state, which shares with deep social, historical, economical and political bonds, is not yet prepared that kind of discussions, and not ready to answer the legal and political questions concerning Somaliland future, since it lacks freely elected president like Somaliland (universal suffrage). Many political commentators are saying, Villa Somali is bewildering its local security, peace restoration, and federalization processes, and not equipped and ready to negotiate Somaliland case of separation at the moment.

More over; Somalilanders are tired showing off themselves to the big fishes of democracies like US and EU; leave behind their Arab brothers and fellow Africans. Somaliland urgently needs international engagement; to exercise and behave as fully independent state, in order to receive debts, loans, aids, and foreign direct investments, and also to be part a modern globalized trade system, to utilize its strategic location. However; the twenty five plus years, are very long in social and economic wise, but may be very short in political and state building aspects, as history teaches u

Mustafe Barud Abdi

Ethiopian PM makes suprise visit to Somalia

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Ethiopian Prime Minister, Dr. Abiy Ahmed on Saturday arrived in Mogadishu on a surprise work-visit.

The plane carrying  Ethiopian PM and other officials from his government landed at Adan Adde International Airport shortly after 9 am.

Dr. Ahmed was received at the airport by his host President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo and other officials from Somali government.

The Ethiopian PM will hold talks with Somali leader on regional integration, peace, and security.

Key among the discussions will be regional stability and the two nations bilateral relations.

This will be his fourth foreign visit, after Djibouti and Sudan, since his swearing-in on 2 April.

HOL

Somalia, Ethiopia to jointly invest in four seaports on the Red Sea

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MOGADISHU (Reuters) – Somalia and Ethiopia announced they were jointly investing in four seaports to attract foreign investment to their two countries, the latest move in a tussle for access to ports along one of the world’s most strategic waterways.

After Somalia’s president Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo hosted Ethiopia’s prime minister Abiy Ahmed for a meeting at the presidential palace in Mogadishu, the two leaders issued a joint statement of pledges to cooperate on everything from the development of infrastructure including roads linking the two countries to expanding visa services to promote cultural exchanges.

The statement did not elaborate on which ports the two countries would develop.

The Horn of Africa’s Red Sea coastline extending north of Somalia through Djibouti and Eritrea toward the critical Suez Canal is already dotted with ports owned or run by countries locked in a regional struggle: the United Arab Emirates and its ally Saudi Arabia on one side, and Turkey which backs Qatar on the other.

Landlocked Ethiopia, which has a population of 100 million, has been led since April by 41-year-old former intelligence officer Abiy, who has moved swiftly to assert his nation’s interests on the international stage.

“The leaders further agreed to invest in logistics and service provision specially to leading ports in the continent that can serve both the Indian ocean and the Red Sea,” the statement read.

The day before Abiy’s visit to Somalia, the United Arab Emirates pledged to give $3 billion to Ethiopia in aid and investments, in a major show of support for the new leadership in Ethiopia.

The strengthened partnership between Ethiopia and the oil-rich Gulf monarchy is significant in the context of Addis Ababa’s ties with Mogadishu.

Somalia and the UAE have been at odds for months over the broader dispute in the Gulf region.

That Middle Eastern feud is driving the desire to control the Horn of Africa and its waters, diplomats, businessmen, scholars and Somali officials have told Reuters.

In May, Ethiopian state media reported that Ethiopia had taken an unspecified stake in the port of Djibouti, its main gateway for trade.

Somaliland: President Bihi Celebrates Eid Al Fitr with Hargeisa Inhabitants

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The president of Somaliland H.E Musa Bihi Abdi attended the Eid prayers at Hargeisa’s ancient Jama’a Mosque. The head of state was accompanied by some members of his cabinet, security personnel from the different branches of the armed forces and crème de la crème of the society.

The minister of religious endowment Sheikh Khalil Abdillahi Ahmed gave a sermon about the importance of fearing almighty Allah in all undertakings. He also preached about advantages of a united country in fostering development and peaceful consistence.

The minister urged Somaliland nationals to foster Islamic principle and live together as brothers. “Today is a happy day since we are celebrating Eid-ul-fitr we have to work together to promote peaceful coexistence between different communities to improve our way of living the government is on the fore front to make sure that the country citizens develop in every aspects of their lives.

The president also took to the pulpit to call on the people of Somaliland to unite for peace and development here are his words “I pray for our Lord Allah to accept our endeavors to fast during the holy month of Ramadan. Oh! Allah accepts our prayers. Bless this land and nation with peace and prosperity. And accept this prayer we pray in this congregation.”

The president affirmed that Somaliland as a nation is ready to promote peaceful coexistence with her neighbors. He said that whatever conflict that exists internally will be solved amicable.

“The Horn of Africa region is not ready for conflicts on her door steps; furthermore the Somalis are tied of war and conflict and aspire for development and a better life for their families.”

Traditionally after the Eid prayers the head of state hosted an Eid feast at the presidential palace where by children; youths and the elders were entertained to a sumptuous Somali food.

Solnanews.com

President of Puntland Uses People of Lasanod as Decoy following Failure to Win War with Somaliland

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The drum beating by the Puntland president Mr. Abdiweli Gaas inciting his countrymen to go to war with Somaliland has taken him to oblivion. This year alone he has attacked Tukaraq in Sool province of Somaliland twice and on both occasion he has suffered a massive defeat. According to political pundits Mr.Abdiweli Gaas wanted to use the sons of Puntland as sacrificial lambs to vouch for his presidential campaign expected to be held in December 2018.

The people of Garowe, Bossaso and a section of Qardo are closing monitoring Mr.Abdiweli Gaas move to take Puntland into war at the eleventh hour of his administration tenure, a war his men were outnumbered and outmatched in firepower and manpower.  In this respect the tribal propaganda of assembling clan militias has been put on hold because the people have realized the truth of matter since this is Abdiweli war to further his political agenda.

According to confidential information I acquired from some top military echelons in Garowe and Hargeisa confirmed what Mr.Abdiweli Gaas feared to be known. The Puntland military was destroyed and the defeated in the Tukaraq war hence cannot dare fight another war and simply cannot sustain a full military offensive against the Somaliland military.

It is no secret that the Puntland army defeat against the Somaliland led on the 14 day of this month the Puntland intelligence chief   Mr.Abdirisak Issa Hussein also known as Khatumo was sacked alongside the PPS boss Mr.Abdillahi Adan Mohammed (Abdillahi Ulle) were fired because of the Puntland military defeat in Somaliland. The loss was christened the bad luck adventure war.

Political commentators in Puntland believe that the four years Mr.Abdiweli has been steering Puntland the country has been on the decline thence his plan B to revive his political capital however the problem is that he lacks experience in military and security affairs.

Furthermore president Gaas after realizing that he cannot afford to fight another war he has changed tactics and is trying to use a lot of money to buy support.

Some people close the president of Puntland based in Garowe decided to sponsor women and youths of Lasanod town to demonstrate. Some were even given small arms to fight the security men of Sool region. Nevertheless this endeavor failed to materialize hence the second strategy was to use the televisions, radio stations and websites to broadcast ant-Somaliland propaganda misinforming the international community that the Somaliland government is abusing the people of Lasanod.

Another ploy of the clandestine plan was to tarnish the reputation of Lasanod and Buhodle legislators in the Somaliland parliament.

The president of Somaliland addressing the country during the Eid celebration called for peaceful coexistence with Somaliland’s neighbors whereas the Puntland president called for war.

President Abdiweli Gaas has stooped to low up to the extent of using school children and women to fight his war since he cannot sustain a military war following his numerous defeats bat the hand of Somaliland army.

By: Omar Mohammed Farah

Somaliland: Vice President Awards Trophies to Top Team in the Just Concluded Ramadan Tournament

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The vice president of Somaliland H.E Abdirahman Abdillahi Ismael (Sayli’i) was the guest of honor in the award ceremony of Ramadan Football Tournament which is held annually in the holy month of Ramadan.  The tournament was held at Hargeisa Stadium where the final match pitted Duco Waliid against Air Arabia teams.

The VP was flanked by the minister of internal security, planning and national development and constitutional affairs.

After a spirited fight Duco Waliid team won the contest however before they were given their trophy the vice president took the dais to congratulate the winners at the same time encouraging youth to take sports serious since it distracts youngsters from indulging in immoral activities and drug abuse.

The deputy president commended the ministry of youth and sport for organizing a successful tournament. He underlined that the government is doing all in her power to see that youths are supported in development of sports in the country. He added that the ministry had done a marvelous job to initiate a very successful tournament.

The VP congratulated the winners before handing them the prize a trophy and other sport goodies.

What would Musa the President of Somaliland say to the Prime Minister of Ethiopia if he were in Framago’s Shoes

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What would Mr. Musa, the President of Somaliland say to the Prime Minister of Ethiopia if he were in Framago’s place in recent Ethipian Prime Minister’s visit to Mogadishu?

Prologue

I listened (short) the exchange of speeches of Mr. Framago, the President of Mogadishu and Mr. Ahmed, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia which took place in Mogadishu of Somalia.

1-both of them were (mainly) talked in the present and the future tenses

2- the prime Minister of Ethiopia read his aspirational laundry list

3- the president of Somalia repeated what the prime Minister of Ethiopia articulated except with rhe addition of thanked the prime Minister the Ethiopian bloodshed for Somalia skipped the Somali blood there!

What would Mr. Musa the President of Somaliland say to the Prime Minister of Ethiopia if he were in Framago’s place or if the Ethiopian Prime Minister visits Hargeisa or if President Musa visits Addisababa. Most probably he would say what has been articulated below: (The relationship of Somaliland and Ethiopia is centuries old so it must endure this article authored by Iberahim M Mead was written in 2013

I

The relationship of Somaliland and Ethiopia is centuries old so it must endure

….this relationship must persevere and live longer forever, for the interest of all.

The relationship between Somaliland and Ethiopia regarding people to people relationship and the free movement of people and trade as well as the security aspects must not be disturbed in any way; it must be enhanced and maintained regularly.
This is a way forward for keeping and sustaining the stability and security of the Horn of Africa. It is one way of helping the people of both countries and those of the region at large. It is a way to help- the peoples-help-themselves. It is a way to defeat the common enemies of both countries who ever they may be.

The relationship between Ethiopia and Somaliland goes back to thousands of years, when Somaliland was known as the “land of punt” and Ethiopia was referred as the “land where Gods love to be” in the days of the Egyptian pharaohs.

Other relationships can be traced back from King, Ashama Ibn Abjar, to Emperor Menelek II, to the subsequent governments, to Haile Mariam to Late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and to the present Prime Minister, his excellence Hailemariam Desalegn

The first Somaliland migration was the 3rd Muslim migration to Ethiopia

Ethiopia has a history of saving people running from persecution by their own; starting from the first Muslim migration in 614-615 BH to Somaliland migration to Ethiopia in the1980s
The Somaliland migration to Ethiopia in 1980-1991 could be called the 3rd Muslim migration to Ethiopia. The first Muslim migration to Ethiopia of 614-615 BH and the Somaliland migration to Ethiopia in the1980s had similar circumstances. Both the peoples were running from the persecutions and sufferings borne by what was considered as their kinsmen. In the case of the Muslims from Mecca, they sought refuge from Qurash persecution. In the case of Somaliland it was the government of Mogadishu which was considered as theirs which committed the persecution and ethnic cleansing.
In both cases it was Ethiopia and their rulers who saved the “Sahabah of the prophet” and the targeted people of Somaliland in different times in history for different reasons but from the same end- persecution of innocent people! It was Ethiopia which welcomed these peoples and accepted them in their home land with out hesitation. They comforted them when they needed that most.

The first Muslim migration to Ethiopia

“The Muslims who originally converged in Mecca sought refuge from Qurash persecution in the Kingdom of Aksum in BH (614–615 CE.)
This act is known as the first migration to Abyssinia, the hardships and sufferings borne by the Muslims were from their kinsmen. Prophet Mohamed (pbuh) at last permitted the believers to immigrate to some other place. The Muslims immigrated to Ethiopia known than as Abyssinia. At that time Ethiopia was ruled by a Christian King Ashama ibn Abjar who (according to Muslim tradition, later embraced Islam) was famous for his compassion and equity. In Rajab of the fifth year of the mission, the first group migrated to Axum. This is known as the first migration to Axum. Later on, a bigger group immigrated to Axum (separately). This is called the second migration to that country. Some Sahabah took part in both the migrations.”

Somaliland and Ethiopia had centuries old relationship with the exception of a short period of time between1960-1990 when Somaliland entered an ill-fated union with Somalia in an illegitimate way which eventually ended in May, 1991 when Somaliland reinstituted its 1960 government in her soil after long struggle where hundreds of thousands lost their lives and billions of dollars were stolen, robbed and ransacked from Somaliland by Somalia.

Addis Ababa treaty

When Somaliland was under British Protectorate the first treaty known as the Addis Ababa treaty signed by the Emperor Menelek II and the representative of Britain took place at Addis Ababa on e May 14th 1897. Queen Victoria ratified on 28th July 1897.

Some Articles and annex of that treaty excluded demarcation of the border between Somaliland and Ethiopia are here cited as:
The Treaty

“Her majesty Queen Victoria having appointed as her special Envoy and Representative to his Majesty the Emperor Menelek II, James Rennell Rodd, Esq whose full powers have been found in due and proper form, and his majesty the Emperor Menelek, negotiating in his own name as king of kings of Ethiopia, they have agreed upon and do conclude the following articles, which shall be binding on themselves their heirs and successor.”

Article I “The subject of our persons protected by each of the contracting parties shall have full liberty to come and go and engage in commerce in the territories of the other, (British Somaliland protectorate and Ethiopia) enjoying the protection of the government within whose jurisdiction they are, but it is forbidden for armed bands from either side to cross to the frontier of the other on any pretext without previous authorization from the competent authorities.”

Article II “The frontier of the British protectorate on the Somaliland coast recognized by the Emperor Menelek shall be determined subsequently by exchange of notes between James Rennell Rodd Esq., as Representative of her Majesty
the Queen and Ras Maconen as representative of His Majesty the Emperor Menelek at Harrar. These notes shall be annexed to the present treaty, of which they will form an integral part, as soon as they have received the approval of the high contracting parties, pending which the states quo shall be maintained.”
Article III “The caravan route between Zeiyla of Somaliland and Harrar of Ethiopia by way of Gildessa shall remain open throughout its whole extent to the commerce of both nations- Somaliland and Ethiopia.
Article IV “His Majesty the Emperor of Ethiopia on the one hand, accords to Great Britain and her colonies, in respect of import duties and local taxation, every advantage, which he may accord to subjects of other nations, On the other hand, all material destined exclusively for the service of the Ethiopian State shall, on application from his Majesty the Emperor, be allowed to pass through the port of Zeiyla into Ethiopia Free of duty.”
Annex 1 “To your Majesty, With reference to Article II of the treaty, which we are to sign today, my Government instructs me, in the event of a possible occupation by Ethiopia of territories inhabited by tribes who have formerly accepted and enjoyed British protection in the districts excluded from the limits of the British protectorate in Somaliland, as recognized by your Majesty, to bring to your knowledge the desire of her Majesty the Queen to receive from your Majesty an assurance that it will be your special care that these tribes receive equitable treatment , and are thus no losers by this transfer of suzerainty.” ((Ref: British Somaliland protectorate archives. this paper referred herein was among the documents burned down by Mr. Bili Rafli, the governor of Hargeisa who represented the genocidal regime of Siyad Barre.)

SNM was the first to established the people to people relationship with Ethiopia which took root

Abdillahi yussuf’s Salvation Front was in Ethiopia long before SNM opened its base there in 1982. In 1987 the author was told by an advisor and an interpreter for the deposed Haile Merriam that in a meeting between president Haile Merriam and Abdillahi Yussuf, the later put a blank pager and a pen in front of Haile Merriam and told him to write what ever he wanted for pay back if he secures central somalia for him!! No response came from the Ethiopian leader at that point”.

When SNM came later to Ethiopia in 1982 President Haile Merriam asked SNM leadership what they would do for Ethiopia when they liberate their country from Siyad Barre of Mogadishu.

a-“SNM leadership told the President that first they did not want any Ethiopian solder to die for their fight, how ever they promised the leader that they will do the following:
1) that they will create an environment where by the two peoples understand each other more, dispel prejudices, communicate ,cooperate and establish free movement of people and goods across borders.
2) War between the two brotherly peoples will cease, and the horn of Africa will be in peace. These are what we can promise you Mr. President” they said. This relationship established then, and it is thriving and it must endure for ever.

SNM succeeded to turn Ethiopia which was considered as a traditional enemy of the Somalis in the recent history in to a reliable brother of the Somalis.

Ethiopia saved (by giving a safe heaven) and supported the people of Somaliland who were massacred indiscriminately by the Mogadishu regime of Siyad Barre by letting them fight back and liberate their country. Ethiopia supported the 2nd Republic of Somaliland. Somaliland has definitely benefited from this cordial relationship, so was Ethiopia in people to people free movement and trade. Open borders policy was created as a result of people to people interactions and communications, and that facilitated the free movements of people and trade, thus people believed each other and then the special relationship took root. Thanks to SNM and subsequent administrations of Somaliland.

The animosity and mistrust between the two peoples especially in 1960-1980 had been flipped thanks to SNM and Ethiopian administration reciprocally did likewise. The two governments later enhanced this task even further. This effort dispelled mistrusts between the two countries. Cooperation in the areas of trade and security and free movement of people and trade was established by the governments of Ethiopia and Somaliland later on.

thus that was and is the history of Somaliland and Ethiopia

However peace and prayers

Ibrahim Mead


The Rebirth of Somaliland (6): The SNM Liberation Struggle And Tactical Operations

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By Dr. Hussein Mohamed Nur

It took almost a decade for the SNM to liberate Somaliland from Barre dictatorship. The SNM chairmanship changed four times during that period: Ahmed Mohamed Guleid (Jimale) (1981-1982); Sheikh Yusuf Sheikh Ali Sheikh Madar (1982-1983); Abdulkadir Kosar (1983-1984); Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud (Sillanyo) (1984-1990) and Abdurahman Mohamed Ali (from 1990 until he became the first president of Somaliland in 1991).

SNM operations and tactics

Since its establishment in 1981, the SNM went through different stages of growth and development. It started with an initial phase of build-up and organization both militarily and politically. In military terms, the first proper training school for the SNM fighters or liberators was established by Colonel Ahmed Mirre at Jina’asani (inside Ethiopia) though there were few other improper makeshift kinds of camps for recruitment and basic training before such as one at Aware. According to Colonel Mirre, the Jina’sani school started with 8 guns as weapons for the SNM in its entirety donated by Mohamed Ali’s guerrilla group (Afraad), the only SNM group that existed at the time. As soon as the Somali national army commanders heard about the news of the SNM armed forces inside Ethiopia, the Somali military armed militias traditionally in alliance and armed by the Somali government attacked the school with heavy weapons.  Colonel Mirre retold how that attack turned into a blessing in disguise for them (the SNM). The SNM fighters acquired war booty after bravely defending themselves using only their skillful military tactics from their unfortified defense trenches. The attack was concluded in a defeat of the Somali government backed militias fleeing the area and leaving behind a huge amount of rounds of ammunition, guns, and weapons which the SNM unit badly needed. The booty for the SNM fighters tuned to be enormous (that exceeded more than 800 guns in the hands of the SNM fighters).

Later on SNM military bases or headquarters were established at Gashamo in the East which led by Colonel Mohamed Kahin Ahmed and Ali Hayan as his deputy; at Aware, the middle base was led by Shakib Suldan Abdulqadir; a central base commanded by Abdillahi Askar Barkhad and Dayib Gurey as his deputy; the West headquarter was based in Jigjiga and led by Mohamed Mirre Ahmed as the commander with Aden Suleiman as his deputy. Later on, for strategic purposes, two major military divisions were established to replace the different command bases: The Makka (eastern front division) which was commanded by Mohamed Mirre Ahmed and the Madina (the western front division) commanded by Ibrahim Hussein (Dhegaweyne) as the chief commander.

In its first years, the SNM started confining its operations in guerrilla warfare tactics. Hit and run and ambush operations were not uncommon damaging and keeping the Somali troops often in the panic, the principal objective.

At the beginning, the operations were minor skirmishes with the Somali troops spread along the borders. Mohamed Ali and his colleague Mohamed Nur Ali of AFRAAD group were both highly skilled experts in guerrilla tactical operations. By the mid-1980s, the liberation struggle gathered momentum and the operations were successfully being conducted right inside the country.

In October 1982 the SNM exerted excessive pressure on the Somali government. The SNM and the SSDF agreed to make a joint committee to coordinate activities. The two insurgent groups started broadcasting anti-government statements from Radio Kulmis (later it became known as Radio Halgan). But joint military operations were never organized and the joint SNM-SSDF committee languished idle.

On 2 January 1983, the SNM took a full-scale operation well inside the country. An SNM commando unit attacked Mandera prison near Berbera and freed (some sources say about 700, others believe it was only a few dozens) political prisoners including elders and tribal chiefs. On another occasion, an SNM unit raided an armory and weapons deposit at Adadley (a town with a major military garrison and a jail) east of Hargeisa and escaped with a large number of arms and ammunition. That was one of the SNM strategies to obtain arms. Another way of getting arms was acquiring the arms brought by government forces defectors while in other times arms were bought from the government forces themselves through dealers with a connection to the regime.

In response to that, the Somali government imposed dusk-to-dawn curfew throughout the north, state of emergency, closing of petrol or gas stations to the public, banning travel and transport in and out of the north, closing the borders especially with Djibouti to stop rebel units returning to their bases in Ethiopia. But nonetheless, the SNM operations convinced Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia that the SNM was a threat to the government of Siyad Barre and, therefore, provided more weapon and support.

In 1983, the SNM made sporadic attacks on frontline government regiments. In June 1983 Baligubadle town on the border was targeted by the SNM attacking the Somali military forces. 17 October 1984 the SNM was engaged in a fierce battle with the Somali army at Buroa-Durey. The SNM casualty reached 25 that day including loss of its brave self-assured SNM officer, the commander, Colonel Mohamed Hashi ‘Lihle’. The day after there was a counter-attack by the enemy on the SNM front. The SNM casualty was 27 fighters dead.

SNM units made infiltrations inside the country more specifically in the east (led by Mohamed Kahin and others), the west under Aden shine!) and well into highland mountains of the Gollis mountains range around Sheikh under Colonel Ibrahim Hussein ‘Dhegaweyne’ and into the east of the country (Somaliland) led by Mohamed Kahin. Those activities showed off the strength and power of the SNM which discredited by allegations and propaganda spread by the SSDF about the SNM. The SSDF had the intention to make a merger between the SNM and the SSDF.

In the mid-1980s the SNM stepped up its guerrilla attacks on government military posts in the north nearby Hargeisa, Burao and Berbera causing serious casualties. In desperate reaction to the attacks, government forces shot 300 civilians in different places and sentenced 7 youth to death after making demonstrations. A large number of SNM sympathizers were arrested in Burao alone. By the late 1980s large number of defections of soldiers and army commanders from the Somali government forces, civil servants and students joined the SNM forces. The SNM pressure was increasing ever since against the regime.

In 1984, the SNM plotted and took simultaneous attacks on government forces on three fronts. The SNM was always active employing guerrilla tactics. SNM units led by Colonel Ibrahim Abdillahi Hussein (Dhegaweyne) made operations in Sheikh town areas and the mountainous range in the North and returned back to bases.

On 22 November 1984, in response to the SNM operation inside the country (Sheikh surrounding and mountainous highlands), the government took inhumane revenge by on civilians. The local community members were rounded up including women, children, religious leaders etc.. Sheikh Abdirahman Mohamed Ali and 11 other civilians captured from the rural areas surrounding Sheikh town were caught being accused of supporting the SNM and executed them while people were not allowed to bury the dead corpses which were left for the vultures and wild beasts to prey on for days.

Between June 1985 and February 1986, The SNM carried up to 30 operations against Barre’s armed forces in the north. The SNM killed 476 soldiers, captured 11 vehicles and destroyed 26 others.

A mass persecution at Burao

In 1984, 43 civilians, including businessmen, civil servants, a Police officer (Colonel Mohamed Ali Mire – Qorane) and others who were caught from rural settlements, villages and Burao suburban areas were herded together alleged to have supported the SNM and its activities. They were accused of providing facilitation for an SNM inside the cell as well as being members. On 20 December 1984, they were all brought to court in Burao and were all executed, except two absentees, by a firing squad from armed forces [(a special unit with members from the army, the police and the Dervishes unit (Darawish)] at the Badhka/Barta, a famous execution spot in Burao. The execution took place shortly after a brief mock show or trial at a military tribunal court. The long list of the prisoners is as shown below.

The order and instructions were from Mogadishu and the hearing was briefly held at a military court in Burao by the Deputy Prosecutor of the military court of the national army, Colonel Yusuf Mohamed Farah. The secretary of the Burao municipality was ordered in advance to prepare and provide the necessary logistics such as tractors and diggers for excavation of the burial sites and mass graves for the bodies. The list of the victims (most of them assigned as ‘Dilsuge’ – waiting for execution (in red pen).

After a few minutes of a mock trial and performing of non-legalistic rituals orchestrated dominantly by the courts of the government. The notorious law No. 54 was used in support for the justification of innocents. It was cited at the court and applied for the murder of those individuals. The allegations and accusations that they were supporters and showed sympathies for the SNM. No evidence was brought forth. The names of the 43 victims were: 1.Qasim Qodah Jama (businessman); 2. Abdirahman Haji Mohamed Sirad (Oday) (teacher); 3. Essa Essa Ibrahim Ismail; 4.Essa Ibrahim Ismail; 5. Adan Nur Ismail (Qoorcase); 6. Yassin Ahmed Warsame (Sonani); 7. Abdi Mohamed Alin (Dhegjar); 8.Ahmed Abdi Hassan; 9. Ahmed Yusuf Mire; 10. Abdi Jama Hassan Sanweyne; 11. Mohamed Yusuf Ismail (coomas); 12. Ahmed Hassan Ismail (Yunbur); 13. Deria Osman Yussuf (Laba Lugood); 14. Colonel Mohamed Ali Mire (Qorane)(; 15. Shukri Mohamed; 16. Ismail Salah Wiriye; 17. Mohamed Samatar Ahmed; 18. Saleban Hirad Adan; 19. Ali Abdi Hassan; 20. Adan Jama Warsame; 21. Mohamed Mohamoud Abdi; 22. Ahmed Ismail Mohamed; 23.Ali Omer Deria; 24. Musse Hassan; 25. Ali Shire Ghalib; 26. Abdullahi Mohamed Farah; 27. Adan Ali Ibrahim; 28. Abdi Mohamed Yusuf; 29. Abdi Hassan Jama; 30.  Abdillahi Hassan Nur; 31. Ali (unreadable)??; 32. Gaashaanle??? (Unreadable); 33 (unreadable); 34. Gaashaanle Farah?; 35. Jama Abdillahi Said; 36. Laila Mohamed Egeh; 37. Abdi Ali Ahmed; 38. Said Osman Geelle; 39. Abubakar Abdillahi Roble; 40. Abdillahi Salah Gir; 41. Awil Salah Gire; 42. Ibrahim Mohamed Handulle (ina Aar); 43. Abdi Hussein Dheere. The last two were not presented but were tried in absentia.

The mock trial court proceedings were witnessed by Abdillahi Jama Yusuf who was allowed to enter the court. A prejudgment was made beforehand and even before the kangaroo court. It was already decided and rehearsed by a higher authority in Mogadishu which was usually the president. Colonel Mohamed Said Morgan was present and overseer to ensure the process is done. After the firing squad finished the massacre business, the corpses were hastily buried using bulldozers in makeshift mass graves in groups of ten.

In overall, the operations at times cost dearly for the SNM. The SNM lost some of its finest commanders (high ranking ex-Somali military). Colonels Mohamed Hashi ‘Lixle’, Adan Suleiman, Mohamed Ali, Ahmed Gaab among others who were killed in combat services at different times. Meanwhile, others such as Colonel Adan Mohamed Sheikh Abdi ‘Shine’ and Abdulqadir Kosar were killed under dubious circumstances. Colonel Ibrahim Yussuf Mohamed ‘Kodbur’. Colonel Mahdi Ali Farah and others died of natural causes.

To be continued

Minister of Public Works accuses Puntland of waging war with Somaliland

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The minister of public works and housing Mr.Abdirashid Haji Dua’le Qambi has accused the Puntland administered region of Somalia for engineering yet another bloody war in Buuhoodle region of Somaliland.

He called on the people of Buuhoodle to be wary of Puntland government ploy to fuel another civil war by pitting clans against each other so as to start another civil strife in the region. The minister went on to warn the inhabitant to be vigilant in protecting their newly found peace and prosperity from the war mongers of Puntland.

The minister was addressing thousands of jubilant residents who had come out in droves to welcome his delegation into Buuhoodle town.

According to Somaliland News Agency (Solnanews.com) the minister was on a fact finding mission to assess the state of the region in terms of peace and standard of living. Speaking to the town’s inhabitant the minister said “Today the people of Buuhoodle don’t need another tribal war they are thirsty of development. They don’t need a clan war what transpired at Kalshale is fresh in their minds so those fronting to bring armed militias into the region have sinister motive and the people of Buuhoodle are not ready for another bloody confrontations they want schools for their children hospitals for their sick and transport infrastructure to catalyze development of the region.”

On the other hand the minister confirmed that the Puntland administration is beating the drums of war because Mr.Abdiweli Gaas tenure of office is almost over in this respect he wants to find away to cling to power by starting another war in the region.

Minister Qambi and his delegation were also welcomed in Qori-Lugud town by traditional leaders and district administrators upon their arrival in the vicinity. The delegation also found time to visit Maygaagle, Sool jogto and Kalshale areas Buuhoodle region to see how the people were fairing.

 

 

Somaliland: Dahabshiil Rejects Puntland MP’s Allegations

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Dahabshiil, the largest money transfer company in Somalia – and Africa, at large – has vehemently denied claims by a member of Puntland parliament named Sadiq Abshir Garad.

Speaking to the media at his office on Sunday, the manager of the firm’s Banking branch in Bosaso, Yasin Beldaje dismissed the accusations of the MP that Dabanshiil supports Somaliland in the war with Puntland as “baseless”.

Beldaje said Dahabshiil is a licensed leading private remittance company operating in 144 countries around the globe with no political influence, which serves Somalis in and outside the country.

He called on Parliamentary Ethics Committee to strip the lawmaker of his immunity and arraigned in court for the incitement and call to loot the private company.

“The claims of the legislator are categorically contrary to the state constitution, hence he should be stripped of his immunity and brought before a court,” said Beldaje during the press conference.

Garad who is the chairman of the defense committee of the parliament blamed the firm for giving financial support to Somaliland which is now at war with Puntland over disputed regions.

It’s not yet clear what would be the response of the parliament to the statement of Garad who is said to be hailing from Sool and Sanaag regions, the epicenter of the territorial dispute between Somaliland and Puntland.

The accusation of the parliamentarian against the private cash transfer company, which is owned by a Somaliland businessman, comes amid a brewing tension at Tukaraq village of Sool.

 

Residents in Garowe & Galkayo hold rallies in support of Puntland waging war against Somaliland

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HARGEISA— Residents in Garowe and Galkayo hold peaceful demonstartions in support of Puntland’s aggression against Somaliland today according to reports.

The protesters who marched across the two townships main streets were chanting slogans expressing their support to Puntland soldiers which went war with Somaliland defense forces stationed in Tuka Raq.

The peaceful demonstrators have called on the emancipation of Sool region which is under Somaliland control.

The tension is running high between Somaliland and Puntland and reports further confirm that Puntland deployed militia soldiers in the frontline so as to carry attacks against Somaliland forces.

The United Nations efforts in conjuction with IGAD body is failing as Puntland’s president has dismissed calls from the International community which is trying to end the hostilities between the two authorities.

Image may contain: one or more people, people standing, people walking, crowd and outdoor

 

The Rebirth of Somaliland (7): Operation Birjeex (SNM Rescue Unit)

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By Dr. Hussein Mohamed Nur

 

The SNM had strong networks of cells operating inside the country. The principal goal was to facilitate operations and support networks for the movement. Those networks consisted of a diverse people of different backgrounds including business people, traders, petty street workers, students, teachers, women, employees and professionals etc. of the various departments and institutions of the government and armed forces of different ranks. The latter also included high ranking military officials within the army who acted as a linchpin in the internal operations of the SNM. Colonel Ibrahim Ismail Koodbur was a ranking military officer embedded within the 26th sector of the army in Hargeisa. Koodbur was one of the extraordinarily brave men in the history and struggle of the SNM. He was the main architect together with other SNM officers such as Colonel Abdisalam Mohamoud Jama (Turki) and others.

Colonel Ibrahim Ismail Koodbur

In April 1983, Abdillahi Askar, Abdisalam Mohamoud ‘Turki’ and others entered Hargeisa as a group to join an SNM inside cell including Colonel Ibrahim Kodbur (a member of the national army as a high ranking officer). The purpose of the mission was to conduct a secret operation in Hargeisa. The original mission was to headhunt high ranking government officials (the commanders of the 26th sector of the army, the NSS, the Hangash and others). Unfortunately, before any action was conducted in accordance with the plan, the unit faced a sudden unforeseen problem. The unit members switched the original plan into a rescue operation due to the unexpected change in the original plan. They had to divert mission as a colleague member, Colonel Abdillahi Barkhad Askar, was caught on 10 April 1983 by the Victory Pioneers (Guulwadayaal) and later moved to be imprisoned at Birjeex military Headquarter, a highly fortified and enforced security prison within the 26th sector of the army forces Birjeex compound. At the time there were preparations for the celebrations of the Somali armed forces day (12th of April 1983) underway.

This happened after the unit had a meeting on the evening of 10th April 1983 at a house owned by Ismail Sheikh Musa Duale. As they finished meeting they left for another location to stay in the night. Abdillahi Askar was left behind. Askar left the house alone afterward and was stopped by the Guulwadayaal on the road on his way to join the rest. He was brought to their center of the so-called ‘Victory Pioneers’ (Xarunta Guulwadayaal) (today’s site of the parliament). Askar was later moved to Birjeex. General Gani, commander of the 26th Sector of the armed formed in Hargeisa planned to bring Askar to the Hargeisa National Theatre on the next evening of 11 April 1983, the night before the celebration of the Somali military day as a show to the public before his execution plan on the next day.

Members of the SNM rescue unit of Birjeex operation

The SNM unit immediately knew of the incident (from reports of an insider SNm cell unit) and urgently organized a small unit with Colonel Ibrahim Kodbur as the coordinator to rescue Askar. The unit consisted of 11: 1. Abdisalam Turki, 2. Said Abdi (said Birjeex), 3. Ibrahim Ismail Kodbur, 4. Bihi Haji Hassan Elmi, 5. Suleiman Said (Yare), 6. Ibrahim Arab, 7. Ahmed Hussein Warsame, 8. Said Kur-Libah, 9. Aden Maal Aqli, 10. Abdirahman Eid Farah, 11. Said Ahmed Dhigane. Kodbur was an insider link man, coordinator and the anchorman who still a high ranking officer in the Somali army. He was leading the activities. He had the rota as the duty command Officer that night. He was our anchor man. They made themselves ready the next day (11 April) late afternoon together with two rescue vehicles and went according to the plan. They enforced entry from the entrance gate of Birjeex straight to where Askar was kept. At first, they met with some resistance from a well-equipped guard and started exchanging fire with the guard. But that was surprisingly shock and awe for them. In fact, the shooting took place in close range and immediately they had the upper hand. Two of their colleagues were hit but were managed successfully to be taken out with them alive together with the prisoner.

Askar was in bad state and completely immobile due to the damages he was received whilst in the hands of the enemy. He was subjected to savage torture and beaten. He was in pajamas. His skin was burnt all over with candles and cigarette butts (as they noticed later afterward). They took the wounded men and the prisoner and swiftly hit the exit gate towards two vehicles parked outside and on standby. However, they escaped in one of the cars abandoning as it had an engine failure. One of the wounded men was Bihi Haji Hassan Elmi. He was badly wounded. They brought him out into a bush of shrubs nearby. Unfortunately, it was impossible to take him with them. The circumstances got out of hand. Bihi told ordered them to leave him on the spot. There was literally no chance to save him. They suddenly sped off towards the south, the direction of the border. At the Masalaha area, the only transport vehicle they became faulty. The engine would not start. Just after dusk and after the Maghrib prayers as they were frustrated but did not lose faith and on dependence on the All-Mighty, Allah, a miracle happened (as reported by Colonel Turki who is alive today – details are available in the forthcoming book of the author ‘The Rebirth of Somaliland’). With the Grace of Allah’s and his permission, they gave the engine one last trial. Upon the first turn ignition and the engine miraculously roared like a brand new machine. They then sped off as fast as they could. They were never spotted by the enemy and therewith crossed the border at Harshin safely.

Bihi who was left behind died after killing several enemy soldiers. A memorial monument today stands on the spot where Bihi died. A memorial monument has been recently erected where Bihi died.

Of the 11 members of that spectacularly successful mission, as we write today only three of them are alive (Abdisalam Turki, Adan Mal Aqli, and Abdiraham Eid). The first two live in Hargeisa. Abdirahman Ciid lives in Ainabo, Sarar region. The rest of the team died (some in action during the operation, others in action during the SNM invasion in 1988 and still others in different circumstances. Ibrahim Ismail (Kodbur) died in 1987; Bihi Haji Hassan Elmi (died in action) in action in 983); Said Abdi Yasin died in 1988); Said Ahmed Dhigane (died in action in 1983); Saleban Said died in 1988; Ahmed Warsame Malosh died in 2002.

In the decade of SNM liberation, thousands of civilians and SNM fighters including the top leading commanders lost their lives. The SNM lost some of its heroic and daring officers. Mohamed Ibrahim Hadrawi, one of the famous Somali cultural creator, poet, and composer, highlighted some of the SNM officers killed in battles in a series of poems known as ‘Dalalay series’:

Dil-dillaaca dhiigiyo The blood-gushing cracks
Inta nacabku dooxee All those massacred by the enemy
Dhan baan ku dhaabtay I sweared
Birjeex deedankeedi In the Birjeex vicinity
Laga diday kulkeediyo Fled from its mercilessness
Degsan baan ku dhaabtay O by Degsan, I swear
Lixle damacyadiisii The ambitions of Lixle’(1)
Diric Ina Saleebaan The son of Suleiman
Duxan baan ku dhaabtay O by Duhan,  I swear
Ifkuu Xaamud daariyo (2) The enlightenment of Hamud
Khaliif doorankiisiyo (3) The wishes of Khalif
Degan baan ku dhaabtay O by Deggan I swear
Hurre doonaantiisii (4) Hurre’s engagement?
Gurey Ina Dawaariyo (5) Gurey, the son of Dawareh
Dar kalaan ku dhaabtay And many others, I swear
Islow dara-digiisii (6) Islows ?
Danab Adan Shiiniyo (7) Thunderous Aden Shiine
Dadban baan ku dhaabtay O by Dadban, I swear
Karuur duur-xulkiisii (8) Karur, his wilderness
Iyo Damalkii Koosaar (9) And Kosar’s wisdom
Dedan baan ku dhaabtay O by Deggan, I swear

1 Mohamed Hashi Deria (lixle); 2. Hamud Ibrahim Yasin; 3. Khalif Sh. Ahmed; 4. Mohamed Haji Hassan (Hurre); 5. Ibrahim Farah Dawarre *Gurey); 6. Mohamed Ahmed Mohamoud (Islawayne); 7. Aden Sh Mohamoud Sh. Abdillahi (Aden Shiine); 8. Abdi Sh Jama (Karuur); 9. Abdulkadir Kosar Abdi.

In 1987 the SNM launched an operation inside Hargeisa city. The purpose was the killings of top government officers in the North especially Hargeisa such as the commander of the 26th Sector of the armed forces in the North, the Commander of the Police force, the governor etc. Meanwhile, Ahmed Ade, the top ranking officer of the NSS and a colleague of his nicknamed ‘Degmo-Laqas’ were successfully slain in the process.

Many at times it was not uncommon that civilians were caught in revenge for the actions and operations of the SNM. Most of the people were usually the suspects of supporting the SNM. Soon after that operation Sulub Jama Aw Osman (also known as Sulub Ugaadhyahan) and a friend of his who were both members of a clandestine SNM cell in Hargeisa were caught and imprisoned. For three months they faced an ordeal. They were badly beaten and tortured in the Hargeisa Central Prison. Sulub described the merciless ordeal they went through (described elsewhere in the author’s forthcoming book ‘The Rebirth of Somaliland). Later on, they made an extraordinary successful escape from the prison in Hargeisa.

To be continued…

Somaliland: Findings of newly concluded survey on World Bank funded projects released

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The finds of a recently concluded survey on five development projects funded by the World Bank in Somaliland were presented today in Hargeisa.

The five development projects funded by the World Bank in the include the Ministry of Finance-Public Finance Reform Office (pfm) project, the Somaliland Civil Service Reform Project, the Hargeisa local government project and two other projects currently being implemented by the ministry of national planning and ministry of environment and rural development,

The recently concluded survey was jointly conducted by the Auditor-General office and BTM, an international firm confirmed that the world bank projects were efficiently being put into practice.

Mr. Ahmed Yousuf Dirir, Auditor General and representatives of BTM jointly affirmed that work on these projects is going well.

Hon Mohamed Dahir Ahmed Mohamed, deputy minister of finance speaking on the occasion noted the importance

Of improving the nation’s financial management system and transparency.

Somaliland: Govt dispatches officials to Lasanod to strengthen security and national unity

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LASANOD— Somaliland govt has dispatched officials to Lasanod, Sool’s provincial capital and hold meetings with regional administration officials in order to strengthen security and to work towards the preserving of national unity.

The govt officials have met with Wadani opposition members in Lasanod and the essence of the gathering was to further consolidate peace and stability in the region.

All sides have reached a common understanding that observing peace and stability is number one priority for all.

 


Puntland subject inhumane beatings against two women from Somaliland

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HARGEISA– Somaliland authority has condemned with the strongest possible terms to the torture and beating against two women who hail from Lasanod and who have been badly beaten in Garowe.

The torture and barbaric beatings subjected to the duo was confirmed by Lasanod’s regional governor, Hon. Abdi Khaire Dirir.

The two who sustained serious injuries were transported from Garowe, Puntland’s provincial capital to Lasanod and the regional governor received them in the city outskirts.

Ms. Anab Ali Haji and Ms. Sahra Ahmed Garad have been beaten with sticks and knives by civilians in Garowe.

One of the woman fainted due to the beating and Somaliland authority has provided medical intensive care.

The governor has asserted that the two women have been beaten due to their ideology of Somaliland and condemned the attack with the strongest possible terms.

Mr. Abdi Khaire, Lasanod’s regional governor has said that such barbaric attack indicates the deep hatred and animosity that Puntland is instigating in the region.

The governor has dismissed allegations made by Puntland authority which accused the duo of espionage.

He said that they have targeted due to their Somaliland and Sool’s stance.

He made clear that Somaliland is to keep the norm and will protect Puntland citizens living and studying in Somaliland at the moment.

 

 

 

Somalia Officially Assumes the control of airspace

Somaliland: One Drowns in Batalale Beach

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A teenager known as Mohammed Mowlid lost his life during the Eid celebrations in Berbera town. The youngster was swimming at the famous Batalale beach when out of the blue his body was spewed by the unmerciful Red sea waters.

This is according to news distributed by Somaliland News Agency (Solnanews.com) from the port city of Berbera.

The provincial commissioner of Sahil region Mr.Ahmed Osman confirmed to SOLNA- the death of the youngster who is estimated to be in his early twenties. He went on reveal the teenager was amongst a multitude of holiday makers from Burao town that had toured Berbera for the festive season.

Commissioner Osman also confirmed that one person was rescued from the furious Red Sea waters. Thos comes following the government of Somaliland protracted warning to parents to accompany their children during the festive celebration of Eid since many youngsters from Burao and Hargeisa every year drown in these Berbera waters.

Somaliland: Torrential Rain Claims Life and Injures a Dozen in Salahley

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A person was killed and several other were injured following a heavy downpour in Salahley district of Marodijeeh region. This is according to the district commissioner of Salahley speaking to Somaliland News Agency (Saolna).

The district commissioner of Salahley Mr.Ismael Yusuf Hussein (Shine) confirmed that the rains that was accompanied by strong wind killed one person after the house he was sheltering caved in and killed him instantly, whereas ten others are fighting for their lives in hospital in critical condition.

The mayor of Salahley municipality confirmed the destruction of a public school and many structured were destroyed by the rains. He added that assessment is ongoing to calculate the real damage caused the stormy rains.

The Rebirth of Somaliland (8): The Epoch Of Military Dictatorship And The Repression Of The North

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By Dr. Hussein Mohamed Nur

Abdulrashid Ali Shermarke was elected as President of Somali Republic on 15 October 1967. Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal became the Prime Minister. Two years later, on 15 October 1969, the president was assassinated by one of his guarding soldiers, a member of the national armed forces. On the 6th day of the assassination of the president (on 21 October 1969), Egal’s civilian government was toppled in a bloodless military coup led by General Mohamed Siyad Barre. Egal was arrested and languished in jail for the next twenty years.

The military junta took advantage of longstanding of general grievances and disappointments with the country’s slow pace of social and economic development, highly disproportionate rampant corruptions, mismanagement and bad leadership. It is alleged that the plan for the revolution was masterminded by the Soviet KGB, the main supporter of the Somali military. The proliferation of parties and unlimited freedom of the press were used as a pretext to overthrow the democratically elected civilian government.

At its very early start, the military regime declared solemn promises and pledges for the people such as returning the power to the democratic civilian rule soon after they putt the “house in order”. That never took place. The record of the two decades of Barre’s rule speaks for itself but is beyond the scope of this brief.

What acted as the main catalyst for speeding up the successful staging of the military revolution was the lack of public trust and withdrawal of confidence from the incumbent successive civilian governments and lack of clear efforts to realize the expectations of the public to nurture the infant democracy. Unfortunately, at the expense of public sympathy and support, the military regime undermined those facts and started building political trenches and forts of oppression and repression. The first years of the revolution were spent on how to acquire full control and power. That was Siyad Barre’s real agenda. To implement that policy, special institutions and instruments were created for the control and subjugation of the society. To consolidate power, the military regime took following measures: All existing institutions were dismantled and replaced with personalized and exclusively clan-based structures. Civilian rights and freedom were suspended. Institutions like civil service, the independent judiciary, the police and the national armed forces were made into instruments of terror and oppression. New security apparatuses were created for terrorizing the population and maintaining the grip on power through dictatorship. The various apparatuses created or strengthened were: a) National Security Courts (NSC): a chain of courts originally formed for trials of political dissidents and opponents of the regime manned by ill-trained personnel in law and legal procedures; b) A Secret Police: This was euphemistically named as national security service (NSS) who used to snoop on the public, acting on eavesdropping of the public and government officials, visiting suspected people at ungodly hours to imprison them in own special jails for torture such as the ‘Godka’ (the hole) in Central Mogadishu. The majority of the NSS members were trained by the KGB in the ex-Soviet Union and former East Germany STASI forces; c) The establishment of a single party ‘Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP) as the only legal party in the country which later developed into an ultimate Stalinist weapon against the Somali people and demeaning of the societal values; d) Orientation Centers: These were public centers that were set up every neighborhood in every town and village of the country. The centers acted as part of social engineering measures by maneuvering peoples’ mindsets and brainwashing; e) Victory Pioneers (Guulwadayaal). They were used as paramilitary armies patterned after the Soviet and other Eastern bloc countries’ Red Guard’ brigades. They were often recruited from the notorious street thugs and gangs. In the Northern regions of the Republic, this group was commonly known as ‘The Green Flies’ referring to the color of their uniform and comparable to the notoriety and dirtiness of this insect. They were spread in every neighborhood of every single town and village of the country. They were created through to conduct mass mobilization and not to mention the eavesdropping of the family households in their neighborhoods. Their main task was to patrol residential quarters, keep tabs on residents, and herd them into the corals of the orientation centers for brainwashing every Friday of the week or so often as needed such as for special events and occasions, i.e., ceremonial singing and cheerleader events for the party officials and leaders, for organizing and conducting mass demonstrations for government support and its leaders or even for welcoming visiting foreign dignitaries to the country.

The 1969 military rule was nothing more than a continuation of the northern suppression. The judicial system was rendered non-functional under Decree-Law No 54 abolishing the Habeas Corpus. Hence, annulling the judicial system and rendering it superfluous.

In addition to the above-described structures, other special units which directly came under the presidency office were established: a) ‘Hangash’ (a military intelligence branch); b) ‘Dhabar-Jebinta’ (Military Counter-intelligence); c) ‘Koofiyad Cas’ (Red Berets); and d) ‘Hogaanka Baadhista Xisbiga’ (special unit of investigators of the Socialist Party); e) The Socialist party (the only party in the country). Some of them even came under the president’s wives especially Muraya Garad.

Under the banner of ‘Scientific socialism’ brand some progress, though limited, was made in some areas in the first few years of the revolution or ‘Kacaanka’. The major success was in the mass education and literacy campaigns and the single most visible achievement of the military regime was the writing of the script for the Somali language. The Somali language was written for the first time, public education was extended and a high adult literacy particularly the mother language was made. In general, however, the military regime became famous for its repressive attitudes alienating the majority of the Somali population and more particularly the people of the North. On the other hand, however, the country was literally a police State and a big prison out of which people have no choice to leave for abroad without special permits.  The small successes were overshadowed by grave mistakes committed by the top echelon of the leadership who heralded the revolution at the helm of them was Said Barre.

In fact, the infant democratic system started faltering apart from the very beginning amidst pervasive corruption and divisive clan politics dominated by major southern clans (Darod and Hawiye) as discussed before in previous parts.

During the military revolution, the late 1970s was characterized as the beginning of Barre’s open ascent to full dictatorship. In the mid-1970s, a large number of top government officers of northern origin were subjected to wholesale sacks from government posts. In one year alone 1975 a wholesale sacking of top civil servants of northern origin took place. 75 officers of northern origin consisting of the best and distinguishing ambassadors, director generals of various ministries and directorates, managers and technocrats etc. were summarily sacked and forced to resign. At the same time high ranking military officials, many of whom from the north were exiled from the country to Lavov and Siberia in the USSR.

At the outset of the revolution, Barre played the ultimate political card of pursuing the pre-independence vision of ‘Greater Somalia’. Barre pursued to brush the dust from that card to the point that he even used the Somali army to disguise the Western Somali Liberation Front fighters (with no military uniform or signs) that culminated in the 1977-78 war against Ethiopia.  Barre’s planned objective was to use the war as a smokescreen and as a proxy step towards the Greater Somalia notion and, hence, buy the emotional feeling of the public again to remain in the saddle of power. Nevertheless, that became the watershed for the fall of the dictator and the demise of his regime from the political spectrum of Somalia. It also signaled the end of that dream of ‘Greater Somalia’ consisting of the five parts unification – the collapse of the Pan Somalia motto. In reality, this move was a sign of the beginning of the collapse of the Somali state and, of course, the union of the two in particular. Somalia’s defeat in the 1977/78 war with Ethiopia war caused a crisis of confidence, low morale of the armed forces and rise of dissent by various clans. Barre’s attempt to ride the crest of nationalism started falling from the top. That was met with a disastrous downward slide.

The socio-political record of Somalia deteriorated soon after the evaporation of the initial public euphoria and as the Socialist revolution’s rhetoric portrayed reality. The 1975 and 1981 period has been characterized as a period the military Government openly associated itself with the Eastern bloc socialist countries (USSR, German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Yugoslavia and other East European socialist countries). The National Security Service personnel were being trained by the Russian KGB and the STASI secret services of East Germany which trained them ruthless and fond of abusing the civil and human rights of the citizen.

Some of the government’s bureaucratic officials and insiders in Barre’s ruling circle portrayed an erosion of the human rights and a tragic slide into dictatorship. By the mid-1980s, the power fell into internal militarism and external supplication. Owing to country’s drift towards socio-economic retrogression and political deterioration there was an increase of personalized rule of Siyad Barre.

In June 982 that a group of seven members of the Somali Republic Socialist Party (SRSP) were arrested under the notorious Law No 54 that carried a mandatory death penalty. They were in ‘Labaatan Jirow’ high-security prison. The prison was under the direct control of the presidency office, i.e, directly under the president. The prisoners were there in prolonged solitary confinement in separate cells. Among the members of the group were:  General Ismail Ali Abokor (original member of SRC, the third Vice President and the president of the National Assembly); Omer Arteh Ghalib (a former Foreign Minister); Colonel Osman Mohamed Jeelle (SRC member); General Omer Haji Mohamoud; Dr Mohamed Aden Sheikh (Minister of Information and National Guidance), Mohamed Yousuf Weyrah and Warsame Ali Farah. They received long-term prison sentences. Warsame Ali Farah died in prison on 20 July 1983.

In the 1980s thousands of people were subjected to imprisonment, torture, and executions. Even the rural households suspected of this were decimated. The story of a man who belonged to an internal SNM cell in Hargeisa and who later successfully escaped Hargeisa prison is a case in point among thousands unpopularised cases. Sulub Jama Osman was a businessman, a restaurant and a shop owner in Hargeisa. In 1987 following a successful operation inside Hargeisa killing a high ranking NSS officer, Ahmed Aden, and a colleague of his, Sulub and a friend of his were arrested at the home where they began to hide after suspicion emerged following the killing of the officer. In an interview, Sulub recalled vividly the cruel tortures he underwent during a period of about 3 months he was in Hargeisa central prison. Sulub express boldly the traumas of their ordeal and gave details of how they eventually managed to escape the prison.

Substantiated violations of judicial procedure and fundamental human rights were due mainly to the lack of an independent judiciary and compromise of internationally recognized standards for a fair trial and justice. Somalia violated international agreements to which it was a signatory. Under this rigid unfair judiciary system, the six former members of the Parliament, the National Assembly such as Ismail Ali Abokor, former Deputy Speaker of the Parliament; Omar Arteh Galeb, former Foreign Minister and sixteen others who were detained who were held in detention without trial or charge since 1982 for over six years were taken as prisoners of conscience by human rights organizations (Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and others).

In 1988 the U.S National Academy of Sciences Committee on Human Rights and the Institute of Medicine Committee on Health sent a delegation to Mogadishu and wrote a damaging report “Scientists and Human Rights”. The report condemned the living conditions of individual scientists and academicians.

On 1 February 1988 the prisoners were charged in Mogadishu with two principal offenses: “organizing a subversive organization (SNM) and “organizing an armed band” (SNM). After numerous international appeals for clemency, Barre commuted the death sentences. Ismail Ali Abokor and Omar Arteh Galeb were given an unspecified prison term to be served under house arrests. Engineer, Suleiman Nuh Ali, Abdi Ismail Younis (Abdi Duse), and Abdillahi Jama Galaal were sentenced to 24 years. They were denied medical examination in jail. Most of the prosecution witnesses were from the armed forces, the police and the security forces who interrogated the defendants. On 2 February 1988, the trial of the remaining 6 parliamentarians was announced. Nevertheless, the trial did not happen until 23 September 1988. The prisoners were on trial also included other long-term prisoners of conscience – Abdi Ismail Yonis (Abdi Duse); Farah Hersi Ahmed and Suleiman Nuh. This was only as a result of international pressure from human rights organizations at the forefront of which was the Amnesty International.

The Amnesty International raised the issue of the miscarriage of justice and a gross human rights violation in the four day trial of 22 political prisoners that it adopted as prisoners of conscience.  Eight of those political prisoners were convicted of treason.

In Somalia, the preventative detention law of 1970 legalized indefinite detention without charge or trial. But because of interests of other countries with whom Siad Barre had personal interests, it was rather common to pardon clemency or reduce or commute sentences. For example, in mid-1987 as a goodwill gesture for the Muslim festival of ‘Eid al-Adha’. But actually, that was also because of an interest showed by Saudi Araba. Siyad Barre commuted death sentences passed by the National Security Court (NSC) on nine religious learned men and scholars ‘Ulamaa’ (Islamic religious scholars) accused of practicing their Islamic faith interpreted as anti-government acts. That preceded the execution of religious scholars who stood against Barre’s intervention into the Islamic Sharia law especially the equality of men and women.

The military and security forces conducted curfew patrols which had become a law unto them creating a climate of unrestrained violence. Moreover, the existence of the SNM in the North provided a pretext for Barre’s deputies in the North to act as they do so want, i.e., to wage a war against peaceful citizens and to enable consolidate power by terrorizing anyone suspected to be not pro-government. Therefore, years of sustained pressure and state violence created a serious level of political unrest in the region. The atmosphere of lawlessness and lack of discipline among the security personnel and soldiers enabled them to harass civilians for purposes of extortion and ransom.

Throughout the 1980s, the country was virtually a grand prison. Only those counted as supporters of the regime can travel abroad. For example, civil servants like the academicians; the business people etc. were affected since due to the nature of their works and activities. Those groups were more likely to travel abroad than the rest of the society. A selective ban was always in operation. That implicitly led to a rampant brain drain of the resourceful citizens who used any method to leave the country.

In the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, Somalia was exposed politically. The country was entangled with open human rights abuses and tragedies. The Somali government was famous for its persistent abuse of human rights, the gross miscarriage of justice, civil liberties and tortures. The human and civil rights abuses of the civilians started as early as the mid-1970s. The oppression of the citizens had been well documented and the reports of the internationally known organizations became available. Activities of the systematic torture, gross human rights violation and infringement of the political and civil liberties were revealed by the international organizations such as the Amnesty International, the Lawyers’ Committee for Human Rights, the Committee for Human Rights of the National Academy of Sciences, the Institute of Medicine – Committee on Health and Human Rights, the Canadian Centre for Investigation and Prevention of Torture, the Medical Foundation and many other independent organizations. The reports were based on countless individuals as direct eyewitnesses and reports confirmed the factual circumstances and the real situation. Unfortunately today, decades later, the post-traumatic scars are still unmistakably evident by the survivors of the obliteration and genocide.

During the fighting in the North in later 1980s, the reports on genocides peaked in grand proportions and at a crisis point. Despite all those, the US aid to the ailing regime was still pouring without conditions rather than addressing these issues. For that matter, the U.S aid policy towards Somalia attracted heavy criticism from all corners of the world including the US Congress and the international community as it (US aid) was the only means of sustaining the perpetration of the repressive regime and, hence, in keeping and letting Barre to survive and, therefore, continue abusing human rights and civil liberties ad infinitum in Somalia.

Before 1977 the US was an important ally with Ethiopia while USSR was allied with Somalia. A sudden shift in the balance of alliances took place when Barre all of a sudden went to war with Mengistu of Ethiopia in 1977. That caused a major switch in alliances. The US made a sudden shift to Somalia as a major ally after the USSR began supporting Mengistu, the Ethiopian side. The US then benefited gaining access to the strategic port of Berbera in the North in having free access to the naval facilities in return for a generous military and economic aid to Somalia. This shift of strategic positions between the two superpowers occurred as the Horn of Africa region was always a key cockpit and a major crossroad for the existing intense superpower rivalry. That show how explicitly power competition and post-war imperialism take form utilizing the only tactic – helping and manipulating weak governments in the region economically and militarily such as Somalia.

The cruelty of the Somali army chiefs and commanders in the North was unimaginable. Civilians who were suspected as SNM sympathizers and supporters financially met cruelty from the army and officers themselves. For example, a case in point was a gruesome operation conducted by Colonel Yusuf Abdi Ali (Tuke) on a civilian man called Abdi Dheere in Gabiley. The man was tied and dozed with petrol. Colonel Tuke himself took a turn to doze the man with petrol and held a long object pushing the man into a blazing fire pit. And every time the man would try to come out of the fire, he would be pushing him back to it using the same object. On other occasions, individuals would be tied to the back of a military truck at high speed until the flesh shreds into pieces, a typical fascist mode of killing during the Italian dictatorship under Mussolini. Tuke is now on trial for crimes against humanity.

On 14 July 1988, a testimony before the US African Sub-committee by Aryeh Neier, chairman of the Human Rights Watch organization, highlighted the dismal long-term human rights record of President Barre. During the eruption of the conflict in the North, the situation became even more serious. Despite the worsening human rights situation, since Somalia’s defeat at the ‘Ogaden’ war in 1977, the US was involved by contributing military and financial support to the government of Somalia. As stated before, the US policy only consolidated and privileged the position of Barre’s regime which was engaged in a systematic pattern of gross violations.

Another troubling indictment of the human rights situation in Somalia came from the Lawyers Committee for Human rights testimony to the US Sub-Committee on African Affairs, Committee on Foreign Affairs and the House of Representatives. The State Department’s 1986 country report vehemently confirmed abuses of virtually every category examined by the report, arbitrary arrests, detention, and freedom of expression, freedom of the press, independence of the judiciary, freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of movement within the country presented by the Lawyers Committee.[1]

The truth of the matter was that a major part of the epoch that the power was in the hands of the military, power has been concentrated in the hands of the president, family members and close military advisors and cohorts. The country was virtually a ‘police state’. Indeed it was a great prison. Freedom of expression was a luxury not known and rights of civilians were routinely deprived. To contain the people, a series of legislative acts were passed and denial of fundamental human rights was institutionalized. Earlier in 1979, the government introduced a new constitution which expressly provided that these laws override the political and civil rights guaranteed by the existing constitution. The most important of those was Law No. 54 of 10 of September 1970 that made the death penalty legal for a wide range of political offenses that relate to “national security.” Offenses against the national security were defined as behavior “which may be considered prejudicial to the maintenance of peace, order and good government.” This was interpreted broadly to mean whatever the authorities want it to mean, both for individuals and groups. The law did not distinguish between violent and non-violent criticism and opposition to the government and, therefore, did not adequately protect the right to hold, express and disseminate opinions, the right of the association or of political assembly. Even the possession of written material came under this let alone shows of dissent.

On 8 April 1987, under Article 12 of law No 54, nine religious teachers were condemned to death in secret trials in Mogadishu. Their only crime was the criticism of the failure of the government to respect freedom of worship. Due to a national outcry and pressures from Islamic governments, the death sentences were later commuted to long-term imprisonment. Based on this law, other religious individuals were also executed.

In the 1980s I, as a civil servant academician working at the university, had experienced the first-hand injustices based on the clan politics of the government within my institution, the university. I witnessed that the politics of the university as a government academic institution was itself reflecting the nature of the government’s political interests. The selection of the staff, academicians down to the appointment of janitors and cleaners, attendants and caretakers, was pretty much based on who you know and who is your big shot or whether you are a kith or kin or affiliated to the clan of the president. In other words, the university was heavily politicized creating favorites among the scholars (Omaar, 1991). The Socialist party (the only party in the country) representatives, as well as student political activist posts, were trusted to members of the clan in power and its cohorts. The president of the country himself was the Chancellor and the majority of the Deans of faculties, party representatives, student activists and representatives etc. were all nominated on the basis of clan affiliations. This was for purposes of consolidation of power and maintaining the country as a police state. The ears of the regime had to be wide open for the slightest eavesdropping among the students of universities, high schools and other institutions and the public at large.

By the early 1980s and after the formation of the SNM opposition public distrust was clearly visible in the North (Somaliland). Students in the schools in Hargeisa started making demonstrations openly and boycotted classes. In early 1982 stone-throwing by the students was popular and especially after the arrest of a group of  28 young professionals consisting of doctors, businessmen, teachers, and other civil servants, were scooped to arrest in Hargeisa and eventually sentenced to long-term imprisonments. Two of them were immediately released and six other acquitted by the court most of them on tribal lines. They were all acquitted as they belonged to non-targeted clans. What caused their imprisonment was interestingly ironic. They volunteered to improve the deteriorating conditions of the dilapidated hospital, the only one in Hargeisa, the second city of the country. They set up a self-help scheme group. There was then a long-standing conflict between Somalia and Ethiopia. Ethiopia was hosting two Somali opposition groups (SSDF and SNM). Somalis from the North were seen as by the government as destabilizers of the regime and were often regarded as having possible links with the SNM. The group was seen as politically motivated. The irony was that Barre showed himself off as a strong promoter of individual participation in self-help schemes efforts as part of his scientific socialism programme. The imprisonment of active individuals was translated as subversion.

To be continued …..


[1] For details of the human rights situation see also the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights and the US State Department country reports 1986.

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